This book is the first of its kind to systematically compare the policies of George W. Bush and Barack H. Obama towards Ghana, with a focus on economic aid, military aid, and immigration. In order to do so, the following major research questions are probed: Are there significant differences between George W. Bush and Barack H. Obama’s economic aid policies towards Ghana? Are there significant differences between George W. Bush and Barack H. Obama’s military aid policies towards Ghana? Are there significant differences between George W. Bush and Barack H. Obama’s immigration policies towards Ghana? The corollary question that undergirds all of these questions is as follows: If there are significant differences between the two Presidents’ policies towards Ghana in the areas of economic aid, military aid, and immigration, what factors (economic, political, and cultural) influenced them? These questions in turn led to the delineation of the following hypotheses for empirical testing: there are significant differences between George W. Bush and Barack H. Obama’s economic aid policies towards Ghana; there are significant differences between George W. Bush and Barack H. Obama’s military aid policies towards Ghana; and there are significant differences between George W. Bush and Barack H. Obama’s immigration policies towards Ghana. To test these hypotheses, a one-group posttest only design is employed in order to integrate the various components of the study, and both primary and secondary data were collected by using the document analysis or archival research technique and then systematically analyzed. Furthermore, development theories and case-oriented comparative methodology are employed to ground the research. Thus, in addition to being the first such research on the topic, the book is also significant in terms of its epistemological contributions to diplomatic praxes, the literature on United States foreign policy, and development theories.

This edited volume examines the challenges of globalization in light of the need to revisit and reconceptualize the notion of Pan-Africanism. The first part of the book examines globalization and Africa’s socioeconomic and political development in this century by using the Diopian Pluridisciplinary Methodology. This approach is imperative because the challenges faced by Africa vis-à-vis globalization and socioeconomic development are so multiplexed that no single disciplinary approach can adequately analyze them and yield substantive policy recommendations. The chapters in the second part analyze the imperatives for Africa’s global knowledge production, development, and economic transformation in the face of the pressures of globalization. Part two demonstrates an urgent need for Africa’s significant participation in the global knowledge economy in order to meet the continent’s modern transformation and development aspirations. The final part examines lessons from old and new Pan-Africanism and how they can be utilized to deal with the challenges emanating from the forces of modern globalization. With its multidisciplinary approach to a wide range of pressing, modern issues for the African content, this book is essential reading for scholars across the social sciences interested in where Africa is now and where it should go in this increasingly globalized world.

The Routledge Handbook of American Foreign Policy brings together leading experts in the field to examine current trends in the way scholars study the history and theories of American conduct in the world, analysis of state and non-state actors and their tools in conducting policy, and the dynamics of a variety of pressing transnational challenges facing the United States.

The 2008 presidential election was celebrated around the world as a seminal moment in U.S. political and racial history. White liberals and other progressives framed the election through the prism of change, while previously acknowledged demographic changes were hastily heralded as the dawn of a "post-racial" America. However, by 2011, much of the post-election idealism had dissipated in the wake of an on-going economic and financial crisis, escalating wars in Afghanistan and Libya, and the rise of the right-wing Tea Party movement. By placing Obama in the historical context of U.S. race relations, this volume interrogates the idealized and progressive view of American society advanced by much of the mainstream literature on Obama. Barack Obama and the Myth of a Post-Racial America takes a careful look at the historical, cultural and political dimensions of race in the United States, using an interdisciplinary analysis that incorporates approaches from history, political science, and sociology. Each chapter addresses controversial issues such as whether Obama can be considered an African-American president, whether his presidency actually delivered the kind of deep-rooted changes that were initially prophesised, and whether Obama has abandoned his core African-American constituency in favour of projecting a race-neutral approach designed to maintain centrist support. Through cutting edge, critically informed, and cross-disciplinary analyses, this collection directly addresses the dimensions of race in American society through the lens of Obama’s election and presidency.

Chicago has belonged to the world for a century, but its midcontinental geography once demanded a leap of the intellect and imagination to grasp this reality. During that century, the Chicago Council on Global Affairs guided and defined the way Chicago thinks about its place in the world. Founded in 1922 as the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations, as a forum to engage Chicagoans in conversations about world affairs, both its name and mission have changed. Today it is an educational vehicle that brings the world to Chicago, and a think tank that works to influence that world. At its centenary, it is the biggest and most influential world affairs council west of New York and Washington, with a local impact and global reach. Chicago and the World is a dual history of the first one hundred years of the Chicago Council on Global Affairs and of the foreign policy battles and debates that crossed its stage. The richness of these debates lay in their immediacy. All were reports from the moment, analyses of current crises, and were delivered by men and women who had no idea how the story would end. Some were comically wrong, others eerily prescient, and some so wise that we still profit from their lessons today. The history of the past century reflects the history of the Council from its birth as a worldly outpost in a provincial hotbed of isolationism to its status today as a major institution in one of the world’s leading global cities. It is a tumultuous history, full of ups and downs, driven by vivid characters, and enlivened by constant debate over where the institution and its city belong in the world. The Council of today has a bias very similar to that of the Council of 1922— that openness is the only rational response to global complexity. It rejected the isolationism of 1922 and it rejects nationalism now. In 1922, it recognized that the outside world affected Chicago every day. In 2022, it insists that Chicago affects that world. Chicago then was a receptor for outside ideas. Chicago today is a generator of ideas and events. Both the world and Chicago have changed, but the Council’s goals—openness, clarity, involvement—remain the same. History of the Council: The Chicago Council on Global Affairs was founded in 1922 amid the aftermath of World War I, the Senate’s rejection of the League of Nations, and the influenza pandemic of 1918. Today, at its centenary, it is the biggest world affairs council west of New York and Washington, DC. It is both a forum for debate on global issues and a think tank working to influence those issues. Chicago and the World offers a dual history of the Council and the great foreign policy issues of the past century. Founded in America’s heartland, the Council now guides the international thinking of one of the world’s great global cities. Its speakers include the men and women who shaped the century: Georges Clemenceau, Jawaharlal Nehru, Jan Masaryk, George Marshall, Eleanor Roosevelt, Walter Lippmann, Margaret Thatcher, Willy Brandt, Helmut Kohl, Henry Kissinger, Ronald Reagan, Mikhail Gorbachev, Joseph Biden, and Barack Obama, among others. There have been Nobel Prize winners and Nazis, one-worlders and America-Firsters. The Council emerged in a Chicago dominated by isolationism. It led the great debate over American participation in World War II and, after that war, over our nation’s new dominant role in the world. As a forum, it struggled with major issues: Vietnam, the Cold War, 9/11. As a think tank, it helps lead our nation’s thinking on global cities, global food security, the global economy, and foreign policy. The Council’s one hundredth anniversary follows another pandemic, the Covid-19 crisis, at a time when a new wave of nationalism and nativism distorts America’s place in the world. The Council sees itself as nonpartisan but not neutral in this debate. It is committed to the ideal of an informed citizenry at home and openness and involvement abroad.

This Task Force report comprehensively reviews the situation on the peninsula as well as the options for U.S. policy. It provides a valuable ranking of U.S. interests, and calls for a firm commitment from the Obama administration to seek denuclearization of the Korean peninsula, backed by a combination of sanctions, incentives, and sustained political pressure, in addition to increased efforts to contain proliferation. It notes that China's participation in this effort is vital. Indeed, the report makes clear that any hope of North Korea's dismantling its nuclear program rests on China's willingness to take a strong stance. For denuclearization to proceed, China must acknowledge that the long-term hazard of a nuclear Korea is more perilous to it and the region than the short-term risk of instability. The report also recognizes that robust relations between Washington and its allies in the region, Japan and South Korea, must underpin any efforts to deal with the North Korean problem. It looks as well at regime change and scenarios that could lead to reunification of the peninsula. At the same time that the Task Force emphasizes the danger and urgency of North Korea's behavior, it recognizes and applauds the beneficial U.S. relationship with South Korea, which has proved to be a valuable economic and strategic partner. In this vein, the Task Force advocates continued close coordination with Seoul and urges prompt congressional passage of the U.S.-South Korea free trade agreement.

From the end of WWII to the end of the Obama administration, development assistance in Africa has been viewed as an essential instrument of US foreign policy. Although many would characterise it as a form of aid aimed at enhancing the lives of those in the developing world, it can also be viewed as a tool for advancing US national security objectives. Using a theoretical framework based on 'power', United States Assistance Policy in Africa examines the American assistance discourse, its formation and justification in relation to historical contexts, and its operation on the African continent. Beginning with a problematisation of development as a concept that structures hierarchies between groups of people, the book highlights how cultural, political and economic conceptions influence the American assistance discourse. The book further highlights the relationship between American national security and its assistance policy in Africa during the Cold War, the post-Cold War, and the post-9/11 contexts. This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of Development Studies, Political Science and International Relations with particular interest in US foreign policy, USAID and/or African Studies.

July 12, 2011-Over the course of a generation, Brazil has emerged as both a driver of growth in South America and as an active force in world politics. A new Council on Foreign Relations (CFR)-sponsored Independent Task Force report asserts "that it is in the interest of the United States to understand Brazil as a complex international actor whose influence on the defining global issues of the day is only likely to increase."Brazil currently ranks as the world's fifth-largest landmass, fifth-largest population, and expects to soon be ranked the fifth largest economy. The report, Global Brazil and U.S.-Brazil Relations, recommends that "U.S. policymakers recognize Brazil's standing as a global actor, treat its emergence as an opportunity for the United States, and work with Brazil to develop complementary policies."The Task Force is chaired by former secretary of energy Samuel W. Bodman and former president of the World Bank James D. Wolfensohn, and directed by CFR Senior Fellow and Director for Latin America Studies, and Director of the Global Brazil Initiative Julia E. Sweig.Recognizing Brazil's global role, the report recommends that the Obama administration now fully endorse the country's bid for a seat as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). It argues that "a formal endorsement from the United States for Brazil would go far to overcome lingering suspicion within the Brazilian government that the U.S. commitment to a mature relationship between equals is largely rhetorical."Domestically, Brazil's "inclusive growth has translated into a significant reduction of inequality, an expansion of the middle class, and a vibrant economy, all framed within a democratic context." Consequently, Brazil has been able to use its economic bona fides to leverage a stronger position in the international, commercial, and diplomatic arena.The report stresses the importance of regular communication between the presidents of both countries. "Cooperation between the United States and Brazil holds too much promise for miscommunication or inevitable disagreements to stand in the way of potential gains." A mature, working relationship means that "the United States and Brazil can help each other advance mutual interests even without wholesale policy agreements between the two," notes the report.The Task Force further recommends that- the U.S. Congress "include an elimination of the ethanol tariff in any bill regarding reform to the ethanol and biofuel tax credit regime."- the United States "take the first step to waive visa requirements for Brazilians by immediately reviewing Brazil's criteria for participation in the Visa Waiver Program."- the U.S. State Department create an Office for Brazilian Affairs and the National Security Council (NSC) centralize its efforts under a NSC director for Brazil in order to better coordinate the current decentralized U.S. policy.The bipartisan Task Force includes thirty distinguished experts on Brazil who represent a range of perspectives and backgrounds. The report includes a number of additional views by Task Force members, including one that notes, "We believe that a more gradual approach [regarding Brazil's inclusion as a full UNSC member] would likely have more success in navigating the diplomatic complexities presented by U.S. support for Brazil." Another view asserts, "If the United States supports, as the Obama administration has said it does, leadership structures in international institutions that are more reflective of international realities, it must support without qualifications Brazil's candidacy [for the UNSC]."

Contents: (1) Introduction: Purposes and Goal; Achievements to Date; Funding to Date; (2) Background; (3) Global Peace Operations Initiative (GPOI) Purposes and Activities: GPOI Goals and Needs; Demand for Peacekeepers; Need for Gendarme-Constabulary Forces; U.S. Peacekeeping Training and Assistance in Sub-Saharan Africa; The Transition to GPOI Training and Assistance in Sub-Saharan Africa; Development of a ¿Beyond Africa¿ Program; Western Hemisphere; Asia/South Asia/Pacific Islands; Greater Europe (Europe and Eurasia); Middle East; Foreign Contributions to Peacekeeping Capacity Building; Italian Center of Excellence for Stability Police Units; (4) Administration Funding Requests and Congressional Action, Illus.

This report assesses domestic political support for internationalist foreign policy by analyzing the motivations of members of Congress on key foreign policy issues. It includes case studies on major foreign policy debates in recent years, including the use of force, foreign aid, trade policy and U.S.-Russia relations. It also develops a new series of archetypes for describing the foreign policy worldviews of members of the 115th Congress to replace the current stale and unsophisticated labels of internationalist, isolationist, hawk and dove. Report findings emphasize areas of bipartisan cooperation on foreign policy issues given member ideologies.