This book looks at Salafi influencers and foreign fighters in the Balkans to examine how the origins and dynamics of radical milieus are related to the legacy of the Bosnian War and the Kosovo War. The work seeks to understand if and in what ways these wars influenced the consolidation of radical milieus and whether they impacted the recruitment of foreign fighters. In doing so, the book traces the path of more than 400 individuals that either traveled to Syria or were involved in recruitment locally. Employing a qualitative methodological approach, the book argues that radical influencers are likely to be more evident in postwar societies due to state and societal fragility, which create more power for social actors and constrain efforts to counter extremism. Through the activism of social actors emerging from wars, preceding conflicts resonate through society across different locations and particular postwar radical milieus do not need to be only in the place where war atrocities happened. Thus, radical milieus can spread to various locations including countries hosting postwar diaspora communities. This book will be of much interest to students of radicalisation, terrorism and political violence, Balkan politics, Middle Eastern politics, and IR in general.

This volume helps us understand the transformations of terrorist organisations, and the conflicts they are involved in, by broadening the perspective on what is considered terrorist learning. Using a variety of methodological approaches and empirical data, the volume offers a look at the clandestine inner lives of groups from different continents and ideological backgrounds in order to explore from whom they learn and how, and what the outcomes are. Their internal and external interactions are examined within their socio-political contexts to illuminate how they adapt to challenges or fail to do so. Unpacking the question of ‘how do terrorists learn’ helps us to grasp not only changes of violent means of action but also of operational and strategic approaches and, ultimately, even transformations of the ends pursued. The chapters demonstrate that terrorist learning is not principally different from that of other human organisations. The contributors draw on conceptual frameworks of organizational learning, but also broaden the scope beyond the organizational framework to acknowledge the variety of forms of informal and decentralized learning characteristic of much contemporary terrorism. This book will be of much interest to students of terrorism studies, violent extremism, organisational studies and International Relations.

This book outlines the main security threats, actors, and processes in the Western Balkans following the dissolution of Yugoslavia. Exploring the state of peace and security in the region it asks if a stable peace is achievable. The comparative framework explores state perspectives – from Serbia, Montenegro, Northern Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Albania, and Kosovo – alongside military, political-societal, economic, and environmental security concerns. The interplay of international actors is also considered. Academics, scholars, and practitioners who deal with Balkan issues, either as a focus or comparatively, and have interests in security and peace studies will find the volume invaluable along with students of political science, security studies, peace studies, area studies (Eastern European studies and/or Southeast European studies), and international studies in general.

This book fills a gap in our knowledge about the activities of Western supporters and members of Islamic State by examining the experience of their Australian cohort. More than 200 Australian men, women and children travelled to Syria and Iraq to fight with Islamist groups and to help establish an Islamic State by force. Dozens more assisted Islamic State by supporting those overseas or by planning or carrying out terrorist attacks in Australia. For all that, little is publicly known about the impact of the Syrian conflict on Australia’s radical Islamists. This book provides a well-researched examination of how and why so many Australians travelled to fight for or otherwise supported Islamic State. From the failed attempt to bring down an Etihad passenger plane en route from Sydney to Abu Dhabi, to showing their children holding the heads of Syrian soldiers, Australians were prominent in carrying out Islamic State’s directions. Using a range of Australian and foreign court records, social and mainstream media content, this book provides the first detailed look at who these people were, what tasks they carried out, how they came to adopt this radical view of Islam and what long-term legal and security implications are likely to result from their actions. This book will be of interest to students of terrorism, political Islam and security studies.

This book focuses on the involvement of some Kenyans in al-Shabaab, an affiliate of Al-Qaeda based in Somalia, despite their country’s relative stability compared to Somalia. It discusses the origin of the Kenyan state and how colonization created social stratification that benefited elites closer to the center, while excluding marginalized groups at the periphery. The argument is that this pattern still prevails, despite attempts to enhance equality, such as the adoption of a new constitution in 2010 promoting the devolution of power and resources. The persistence of this condition, it is argued, is what initially handed al-Qaeda and later al-Shabaab opportunities for mobilization, enabled by its creative politicization of religion. The heavy-handed tactics employed by security forces under the auspices of the ‘War on Terror’ further catalyzed this process, resulting in more Kenyan individuals joining the group. Using an historical and political process approach, the book shows how the interplay of structural conditions and al-Shabaab’s mobilization strategy linked with individuals’ motivations for joining the group. Based on individuals’ own narratives about their participation, the latter is empirically demonstrated to be non-linear, incorporating motivations beyond rational ones, contrary to the overemphasis on ideology in the literature on participation in groups similar to al-Shabaab. This book will of much interest to students of political violence, African politics, Islamic studies and International Relations.

This book offers a general theory of violent radicalization and uses case studies from a variety of different countries and groups to illustrate this. The first and fundamental objective of the book is to provide an explanatory framework to understand phenomena related to violent radicalization, deradicalization, the prevention of radicalization and to political violence; in particular, that inspired by religion. The second objective follows from the first. Understanding violent radicalization of religious inspiration implies delving into two key concepts: violent radicalization and religion. This second objective is indeed elusive, since, on the one hand, many liberal democracies have undergone processes of secularization or, at least, have lost interest in examining religion in public debates. Therefore, rigorously exploring social problems where religion seems to be involved, in one way or another, is complicated. Moreover, the notion of violent radicalization, in turn, is highly contested and confused with other ideas, such as polarization, extremism, terrorism or nonviolent radicalization. Finally, the book aims to bring theory into dialogue with empirical phenomena, and to test it against concrete cases related to violent radicalization and its prevention, on the one hand, and religion, on the other. The book’s originality comes from both its innovative, methodological approach and its breadth, with cases from several countries (Spain, the United States, Ireland, India, Israel, Russia and Colombia) and different ideological groups (revolutionary communists, nationalist movements, Jihadist groups, white and black supremacists). This book will be of much interest to students of terrorism and political violence, radicalization, sociology and international relations in general.

At a time when international headlines have moved on to depict the travails of a global pandemic and the reemergence of Great Power rivalry, this introductory volume of Legacies of 9/11 and the Global War on Terror highlights the subtle ways the war on terror continues to shape our future, coursing through our social relations, political language, and engagements with technology. Ranging from conceptual reflections on ideology, religion, politics, and surveillance to case studies of nations across Europe, the Middle East, and Asia, the essays have been organized into seven general categories: Muslim Networks, Counterinsurgency Strategies, Knowledge and Cultural Production, Capital Flows and Patronage Networks, Rise of Authoritarianism, Semantics and the Language of Terror, and Islamism and Internationalism. It is intended that these categories guide the reader in situating the variegated legacies of 9/11 and the Global War on Terror into more manageable areas of inquiry and exploration.

Social media has been weaponized, as state hackers and rogue terrorists have seized upon Twitter and Facebook to create chaos and destruction. This urgent report is required reading, from defense experts P.W. Singer and Emerson T. Brooking.