This title was first published in 2003. This work provides a clearer understanding of the EU's approach towards security in the Mediterranean. After examining the EU's interests and the potential threats to security in the region, it analyzes EU security policy towards the region as a whole, through the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, and towards all disputes and conflicts in the area. It recommends opening up the European Security and Defence Policy to Mediterranean participation, in order to establish a deep and equitable security partnership between both shores. The book argues that this way the EU could implement its innovative comprehensive and co-operative approach to security. Rather than focusing on the military aspect alone, this approach takes into account all dimensions of security (political, socio-economic, cultural and ecological) and is based on partnership rather than confrontation. It therefore contrasts quite sharply with the policies advocated in the US National Security Strategy.

Established in 1995, the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership aims to create a free trade area including 30 countries and 800 million people by early in the 21st century. This book offers an assessment of the Partnership and its aims.

Del Sarto argues that internal disputes over national identity limit the ability of states to participate in regional forums. This is a close look at problems faced in negotiating the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) as a regional security project, with particular attention to case studies of Israel, Egypt and Morocco.

Although most Arab countries have endorsed the European Union's proposal for an Euro-Mediterranean Partnership in principle, they also harbor serious reservations about its conceptual and security aspects and its future impact on their economies and on the peace process in the Middle East. The main concern is that the Euro-Mediterranean Free Trade Zone and its related rules of socio-economic conduct would expose fragile Arab industries to strong external competition and destroy indigenous enterprise. As long as the EU continues to follow a one-sided approach, with differential treatment for Israeli and Arab partners, the Arabs will continue to be ambivalent partners in the Barcelona process. This is evident from the cases of Tunisia and Morocco, which have signed partnership agreements with the EU but are now expressing serious doubts about the viability of the process. Further, the EU's concept of politico-security cooperation is geared toward conflict prevention, crisis management, and the introduction of CBMs, rather than on conflict resolution and the establishment of a balanced strategic system in the Mediterranean. The EU's responses to these Arab perceptions and misgivings will decide the future success of the EMP. It may be concluded that if the EU persists in its self-centered approach to Euro-Mediterranean cooperation, the EMP project is unlikely to materialize. This is particularly applicable to the economic partnership, which must be based on technology transfer and infrastructure support rather than trade liberalization, and to the security partnership, which should focus on conflict resolution and strategic balance rather than on maintaining the status quo.

Im Jahr 1995, beschlossen die EU-15 sowie zw lf ihrer s dlichen Nachbarn in Barcelona die Euro-Mediterrane Partnerschaft, den sogenannten Barcelona Prozess. Diese Vereinbarung beinhaltet Zusammenarbeit in politischer und wirtschaftlicher sowie in kultureller Hinsicht. Ziel war die Schaffung eines gemeinsamen Raumes des Friedens, der Stabilit t und des Wohlstands im gesamten Mittelmeerraum. Die vorliegende Studie diskutiert anhand des Barcelona Prozesses das Konzept der EU als normative Kraft und hinterfragt dessen G ltigkeit anhand einiger Grundannahmen der Theorie des Politischen Neorealismus. Demokratief rderung, Euro-Mediterrane Handelsbeziehungen und Migration sind Politikfelder, die im Rahmen dieser Studie n her beleuchtet werden sollen. Das Konzept der EU als normative Kraft des Guten nimmt tats chlich eine wichtige Rolle im Rahmen des offiziellen EU-Sprachgebrauchs ein, deckt sich jedoch nicht mit der Realit t der Beziehungen der EU zu ihren s dlichen Nachbarn. In 1995, the EU 15 and twelve Mediterranean states concluded the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. This agreement involves cooperation in political, economic and cultural matters. It aims at creating a common area of peace, stability and prosperity. This study discusses the concept of the EU as a 'normative' actor and questions its validity. In doing so, it relies on a neo-realist analysis. Democracy promotion, Euro-Mediterranean trade relations and migration are policy areas which, each for its own reasons, deserve special attention in the framework of the Barcelona process. This paper reviews the reality of Euro-Mediterranean relations and compares them with official EU documentation to demonstrate that the concept of the EU as a benign 'normative' actor suffers from severe shortcomings.

A comprehensive study of the nexus between democratization and security in the Mediterranean, which are seen as essentially complementary yet threatened by political trends witnessed since the September 2001 attacks. Contributors from a variety of European and Mediterranean countries address the impact of a restructured security system, Europe's effort to establish an autonomous security and defence policy, and attempts among the Mediterranean Partner Countries (MPCs) to build regional security regimes.

This book is a historical document, a disputed analysis and evidence of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership as introduced by the Barcelona Declaration. It is an account of the unprecedented and unrivalled negotiations between the Euro-Mediterranean partners and an evaluation of their achievements. It is also an account of the obstacles faced in the transformation of the Euro-Mediterranean region into one of peace, security, stability and prosperity to ensure the realisation of a just and comprehensive peace in the Middle East on the basis of the international terms of reference, democratic principles, the establishment of a free trade zone, a market economy system and the participation of civil society. The book addresses several questions which aim to determine whether the Partnership is an extension of the crusades and the Balfour Declaration, the result of international transformations, a reflection of diversity, or a real threat to the security, economy and culture of the Arab world, aimed at Arab identity and the perpetration of division amongst the Arab world through the creation of a multinational regional system identified as the Western model for an Eastern-Mediterranean system that will ensure the integration of Israel and the creation of a separate phase of rupture and alienation within the history of Arab civilisation. Similarly, this book argues whether the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, globalisation, imperialist alliances and civil society are multiple manifestations of a single phenomenon to insure Western supremacy and strategic expansion, and the exploitation of the Mediterranean region. Or, whether the Partnership is the strategic Arab-European choice needed at this particular moment in history in order to galvanise an effective European political and economic role in the development, and economic, technological and civil evolution of the Arab world.