Papers presented at the International Conference on Changing Security Landscape of Eurasia : Role of Regional Groupings organised by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies and the India-Central Asia Foundation, held at New Delhi during 27-29 May 2010.

This electronic version has been made available under a Creative Commons (BY-NC-ND) open access license. Eurasian security governance has received increasing attention since 1989. The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, the institution that best served the security interests of the West in its competition with the Soviet Union, is now relatively ill-equipped resolve the threats emanating from Eurasia to the Atlantic system of security governance. This book investigates the important role played by identity politics in the shaping of the Eurasian security environment. It investigates both the state in post-Soviet Eurasia as the primary site of institutionalisation and the state's concerted international action in the sphere of security. This investigation requires a major caveat: state-centric approaches to security impose analytical costs by obscuring substate and transnational actors and processes. The terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon marked the maturation of what had been described as the 'new terrorism'. Jervis has argued that the western system of security governance produced a security community that was contingent upon five necessary and sufficient conditions. The United States has made an effort to integrate China, Russia into the Atlantic security system via the Partnership for Peace (PfP) programme and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. The Black Sea Economic Cooperation has become engaged in disseminating security concerns in fields such as environment, energy and economy. If the end of the Cold War left America triumphant, Russia's new geopolitical hand seemed a terrible demotion. Successfully rebalancing the West and building a collaborative system with Russia, China, Europe and America probably requires more wisdom and skill from the world's leaders.

Eurasia, wherever one draws the boundaries, is very much at the centre of discussions about today’s world. Security across Eurasia is a global concern and has been subject to a range of discussions and debate. However, the current tensions over security and world order, with the growing challenges from Eurasia and Asia, require more intense scrutiny. The goals of the book are to explore the challenges facing the region and to assess how to achieve economic, social and political stability in the Eurasian core. The book’s chapters are written by prominent experts in the field, and together contribute to the continuing debate by providing policy advice for managing crises in the region. Conflicts inevitably arise in the Eurasian space as global powers, regional powers and individual states jockey for positions and influence. These conflicts need not reach a crisis state provided the foundations of conflict, and the surrounding frameworks, can be better understood. To do this, it is necessary to examine the issue of security in Eurasia from a multi-dimensional perspective that challenges any and all assumptions about Eurasia and global order. This volume has two overarching goals. The first is to come to a better understanding of key security threats in the Eurasian region from a multi-dimensional – social, political, economic and institutional - perspective. The second is to discuss policies directed to increase mutual security in and around the Eurasian core. Although the crisis of security affects the whole continent, the area covered by the former Soviet Union and its neighborhood is at the epicenter of the current crisis. On the one side, the Atlantic community is consolidating and extending. On the other, various ‘greater Asia’ ideas are in the making. All of Eurasia is in danger of becoming an extended shatter zone, a vast new, shaky ‘borderland’ trapped between two great systems of power and world order.

This book explores post-Soviet Eurasian regional security governance, as embedded in the military alliance of Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). CSTO was established in 2002 and consists of six post-Soviet countries: Russia, Belarus, Armenia, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. Moving studies of regional security governance beyond the so-called Eurocentrism trend expressed, inter alia, via the focus on Western military alliance, such as NATO, this book examines CSTO as a new, post-Soviet form of regional security cooperation by looking at the reasons and drivers behind the establishment of the post-Soviet Eurasian security governance; the organization's institutional design; the military capabilities of its member states; the degree of the members' integration within the alliance; the cooperation pattern adopted by CSTO members; as well as the effect and effectiveness of this military alliance.

This Council Special Report explores the challenges faced by consumer and supplier alike in Europe and Eurasia. It looks at Russia's rise as an energy power, analyzing its control of supplies and delivery systems and its investments in energy infrastructure across Europe, as well as questions about the potential of its production. The report also examines Europe's difficulties in forging a common policy on energy supply and recommends a two-pronged strategy of integration and diversification. It urges Europe to integrate both internally -- developing a single EU gas market -- and externally -- tying Russia's energy sector to Europe and its more transparent regulations. It also recommends that Europe seek new sources of energy from both non-Russian suppliers and non-fossil fuels.

From Moscow, the world looks different. It is through understanding how Russia sees the world—and its place in it—that the West can best meet the Russian challenge. Russia and the West are like neighbors who never seem able to understand each other. A major reason, this book argues, is that Western leaders tend to think that Russia should act as a “rational” Western nation—even though Russian leaders for centuries have thought and acted based on their country's much different history and traditions. Russia, through Western eyes, is unpredictable and irrational, when in fact its leaders from the czars to Putin almost always act in their own very predictable and rational ways. For Western leaders to try to engage with Russia without attempting to understand how Russians look at the world is a recipe for repeated disappointment and frequent crises. Keir Giles, a senior expert on Russia at Britain's prestigious Chatham House, describes how Russian leaders have used consistent doctrinal and strategic approaches to the rest of the world. These approaches may seem deeply alien in the West, but understanding them is essential for successful engagement with Moscow. Giles argues that understanding how Moscow's leaders think—not just Vladimir Putin but his predecessors and eventual successors—will help their counterparts in the West develop a less crisis-prone and more productive relationship with Russia.

"Bringing together a group of leading American and European experts, this is the first book-length study of Russian President Vladimir Putin's effort to create a Eurasian Union. The book indicates the ideological origins and character of this project; focusing not only on Putin's strategic objectives but the tactics he employs to achieve them. The volume stresses the high degree of coordination that has been achieved among sectors of the Russian state that are accustomed to function as sovereign bureaucracies. Subsequent chapters analyze the response of eleven post-Soviet states to Putin's initiative, as well as the attitudes towards it of China, Europe, and the United States. The book suggests that the project, if successful, would jeopardize the gains of two decades of independence in countries ranging from Moldova to Tajikistan, but also traces the processes by which those potentially affected have already worked to limit, dilute,and even undermine it even before it comes into being"--Publisher's web site.