Eugene McCarthy was one of the most fascinating political figures of the postwar era: a committed liberal anti-Communist who broke with his party’s leadership over Vietnam and ultimately helped take down the political giant Lyndon B. Johnson. His presidential candidacy in 1968 seized the hearts and fired the imaginations of countless young liberals; it also presaged the declining fortunes of liberalism and the rise of conservatism over the past three decades. Dominic Sandbrook traces Eugene McCarthy’s rise to prominence and his subsequent failures, and makes clear how his story embodies the larger history of American liberalism over the last half century. We see McCarthy elected from Minnesota to the House and then to the Senate, part of a new liberal movement that combined New Deal domestic policies and fierce Cold War hawkishness, a consensus that produced huge electoral victories until it was shattered by the war in Vietnam. As the situation in Vietnam escalated, many liberals, like McCarthy, found themselves increasingly estranged from the anti-Communism that they had supported for nearly two decades. Sandbrook recounts McCarthy’s growing opposition to President Johnson and his policies, which culminated in McCarthy’s stunning near-victory in the New Hampshire presidential primary and Johnson’s subsequent withdrawal from the race. McCarthy went on to lose the nomination to Hubert Humphrey at the infamous 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago, which secured his downfall and led to Richard Nixon’s election, but he had pulled off one of the greatest electoral upsets in American history, one that helped shape the political landscape for decades. These were tumultuous times in American politics, and Sandbrook vividly captures the drama and historical significance of the period through his intimate portrait of a singularly interesting man at the center of it all.

"In his introduction to A Colony of the World, Eugene McCarthy asserts that classical, historical colonialism is marked by distinctive political, military, economic, demographic and cultural characteristics. Politically and militarily, a colony is usually dependent to some degree upon the directions of its controlling country. Economically and culturally, colonial status is evident in loss of control over borders, religion and language." "Major investment in a colony is from outside, with control held by the investing powers. A colony is usually a supplier of raw materials and a purchaser of manufactured goods. Its economy and financial institutions operate within the monetary system of the mother country, controlling nations or institutions." "In A Colony of the World, Eugene McCarthy asserts that the United States is now in a colonial, or neocolonial, relationship to a combination of outside and inside forces which impose a colonial status on the country." "In 1948, Eugene McCarthy won a seat in the U.S. House of Representatives from Minnesota; from 1958 through 1970, he served two terms in the U.S. Senate. His opposition to the war in Vietnam incited him to challenge Lyndon Johnson for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1968, and he ran for president as an independent in 1976." "Since retiring from the Senate, McCarthy has taught university courses in politics, literature and history. His articles have appeared in major publications and he has written books on a variety of topics. His most recent book is Required Reading: A Decade of Political Wit and Wisdom."--BOOK JACKET.Title Summary field provided by Blackwell North America, Inc. All Rights Reserved

With more than 5,000 works cited, Handbook of Avian Hybrids of the World is the greatest compendium of information ever published on hybridization in birds. Worldwide in scope, it provides information on all reported avian crosses, not only those occurring in captivity, but also in a natural setting (approximately 4,000 crosses are covered). This book is a basic reference, intended both for the serious birder and the professional biologist. McCarthy's work fills a need for reference material that takes into account the last half century of data. It will be of interest to workers in a wide variety of fields, ranging from animal behavior to genetics, ecology, zoology, and systematics. In fact, it will make fascinating reading for anyone interested in birds and the natural world.

A collection of writings from one of the most significant political figures of our time.

The New York Times–bestselling biography: a “complete and powerful assessment” of Dwight D. Eisenhower’s presidency (Booklist, starred review). Drawing on newly declassified documents and thousands of pages of unpublished material, The Age of Eisenhower tells the story of a masterful president guiding the nation through the great crises of the 1950s, from McCarthyism and the Korean War through civil rights turmoil and Cold War conflicts. This is a portrait of a skilled leader who, despite his conservative inclinations, found a middle path through the bitter partisanship of his era. At home, Eisenhower affirmed the central elements of the New Deal, such as Social Security; fought the demagoguery of Senator Joseph McCarthy; and advanced the agenda of civil rights for African-Americans. Abroad, he ended the Korean War and avoided a new quagmire in Vietnam. Yet he also charted a significant expansion of America’s missile technology and deployed a vast array of covert operations around the world to confront the challenge of communism. As he left office, he cautioned Americans to remain alert to the dangers of a powerful military-industrial complex that could threaten their liberties. Today, presidential historians rank Eisenhower fifth on the list of great presidents, and William Hitchcock’s “rich narrative” shows us why Ike’s stock has risen so high. He was a gifted leader, a decent man of humble origins who used his powers to advance the welfare of all Americans (The Wall Street Journal).

From assassinations to student riots, this is “a splendidly evocative account of a historic year—a year of tumult, of trauma, and of tragedy” (Arthur Schlesinger Jr.). In the United States, the 1960s were a period of unprecedented change and upheaval—but the year 1968 in particular stands out as a dramatic turning point. Americans witnessed the Tet offensive in Vietnam; the shocking assassinations of Martin Luther King Jr. and Robert Kennedy; and the chaos at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago. At the same time, a young generation was questioning authority like never before—and popular culture, especially music, was being revolutionized. Largely based on unpublished interviews and documents—including in-depth conversations with Eugene McCarthy and Bob Dylan, among many others, and the late Theodore White’s archives, to which the author had sole access—1968 in America is a fascinating social history, and the definitive study of a year when nothing could be taken for granted. “Kaiser aims to convey not only what happened during the period but what it felt like at the time. Affecting touches bring back powerful memories, including strong accounts of the impact of the Tet offensive and of the frenzy aroused by Bobby Kennedy’s race for the presidency.” —The New York Times Book Review

Most scholars agree that 1968 was a watershed in U.S. political history. And Senator Eugene McCarthy's anti-Vietnam War presidential campaign was a main catalyst for the year's events. McCarthy's near upset of President Lyndon B. Johnson in the first presidential primary in New Hampshire dramatically illustrated the divisions within the Democratic party, brought Senator Robert F. Kennedy into the race, led to Johnson's withdrawal, and undercut the radical New Left antiwar movement. This work has two main purposes. First, it seeks to delineate Eugene McCarthy's conservative-liberal ideology and, in so doing, contrast it to the ideology of the New Left antiwar movement. And second, it seeks to describe the historical context, causes, important events, and effects of McCarthy's 1968 presidential campaign.

This book is written in support of proposals to reduce work time in order to improve employment opportunities. The authors, both of whom have been deeply involved in shorter workweek policy debates, argue that the failure of the U.S. to enact shorter workweek legislation when it was first proposed in the late 1950s was a significant policy mistake. They argue further that reduced work hours are an effective means to full employment, improved income distribution, and a stronger consumer market--in addition to promising a better life to the contemporary American family. Policymakers concerned with employment issues as well as trade union officials and students of industrial relations will find here a new framework of ideas to support the renewed consideration of shorter workweek legislation. The authors approach their subject by analyzing the consequences of the U.S. rejection of shorter workweek proposals over the past 30 years. Among them, they contend, are an increasing polarization of incomes, the devotion of more and more resources to the support of economic waste, and a continuing problem with unemployment. The current preoccupation with dollar-denominated growth (a legacy from the Great Depression) has produced a debt-ridden system which increasingly fails to accomodate people's real needs: hence, the authors call for a nonfinancial analysis of economic questions. Taken as a whole, this volume offers both an eloquent defense of leisure and a cogent analysis of the beneficial economic effects of the institution of a shorter workweek or longer annual vacation.