This work is a comparative study of ethnic politics in Kenya in Nigeria, two countries on the African continent where ethnicity has played a major role in determining their destiny as much it has elsewhere only in varying degrees. This is similar to the author's other works on Rwanda and Burundi – including “Identity Politics and Ethnic Conflicts in Rwanda and Burundi: A Comparative Study” – where the same phenomenon has had tragic consequences for decades; both works appropriate in their own contexts yet of continental relevance. The work is also an examination of the Nigerian civil war whose tragic consequences included the secession of the Eastern Region which declared independence as the Republic of Biafra after tens of thousands of Easterners were massacred in Northern Nigeria in 1966.

This book is more than just a study of ethnic politics in Kenya and Nigeria. The two countries are a microcosm of the entire continent: the problems it faces, its successes and failures, and the hope and despair of hundreds of millions of its people whose aspirations have been frustrated by decades of corrupt leadership that has skilfully exploited one of Africa's biggest weaknesses -- tribalism. But the people themselves are also responsible for that. They have allowed tribalism to flourish and destroy the countries. And they have allowed unscrupulous politicians to use and abuse them -- without storming the Bastille. What they are not responsible for is dictatorship African leaders instituted to perpetuate themselves in office by exploiting tribalism. These despots have been so good at it, and have done it for so long since independence, that many African countries are now on the brink of collapse, with the people at war against themselves.

Offers a groundbreaking analysis of the distinctive substantive, theoretical and methodological contributions of subnational research in the field of comparative politics.

A useful collection for students as the interest in the politics of ethnicity continues.

An introduction to the politics and society of post-colonial Nigeria, highlighting the key themes of ethnicity, democracy, and development.

The book is a collection of papers about indigenous, aboriginal, ethnic and fugitive groups from different countries, regions and areas. The book's chapters are written by scholars from different disciplines who exemplify these groups' way of life, problems, etc. from educational aspects, governmental aspects, aspects of human rights, economic statues, legal statues etc. The chapters describe their difficulties, but also their will to preserve their culture and language, and make their life better.

The idea for this book can be traced to an informal brainstorming session among four very good friends -- Ali Mazrui, Victor Olorunsola, Donald Rothchild and Dunstan Wai. In a real sense, then, as editors we owe a lot to Dunstan and Ali for their intellectual stimulation and for encouraging us to pursue a follow-up to ~.f.2l.i::. ,lla .Qt Cultyral ~Natignalism .in A..f'.da

Considers the challenges that Nigeria's leadership now faces, offering rich-and-sobering-analyses of the current political and economic systems.

This book asks what distinguishes peaceful plural democracies from violent ones and what distinguishes violent ethnic groups from peaceful ones within the same democracy. Contrary to conventional wisdom, it suggests that ethnic groups and their political demands are not inherently intransigent and that violence is not a necessary corollary of ethnic politics. The book posits that ethnic identity serves as a stable but flexible information shortcut for political choices, influencing party formation and development in new and maturing democracies. It furthermore argues that political intransigence and violence expressed by some ethnic groups stem from circumstances exogenous to ethnic affiliations. In particular, absolute restrictions on ethnic access to the executive produce conditions under which ethnic group incentive to participate in peaceful electoral politics is eliminated. A number of case studies and statistical analysis of all electoral democracies since 1945 are used to test and support the formal argument.