The democratic opening presented by Nigeria's successful transition to civil rule (June 1998 to May 1999) unleashed a host of hitherto repressed or dormant political forces. Unfortunately, it has become increasingly difficult to differentiate between genuine demands by these forces on the state and outright criminality and mayhem. Post-transition Nigeria is experiencing the proliferation of ethnic militia movements purportedly representing, and seeking to protect, their ethnic interests in a country, which appears incapable of providing the basic welfare needs of its citizens.It is against the background of collective disenchantment with the Nigerian state, and the resurgence of ethnic identity politics that this research interrogates the growing challenge posed by ethnic militias to the Nigerian democracy project. The central thesis is that the over-centralization of power in Nigeria 's federal practice and the failure of post-transitional politics in genuinely addressing the "National Question," has resulted in the emergence of ethnic militias as a specific response to state incapacity. The short- and long-term threats posed by this development to Nigeria 's fragile democracy are real, and justify the call for a National Conference that will comprehensively address the demands of the ethnic nationalities.

The political economy problems of Nigeria, the root cause for ethnic, religious, political and economic strife, can be in part addressed indirectly through focused contributions by the U.S. military, especially if regionally aligned units are more thoroughly employed.

An introduction to the politics and society of post-colonial Nigeria, highlighting the key themes of ethnicity, democracy, and development.

This volume is the first, comprehensive and balanced historical account of the momentous Nigeria-Biafra war. It offers a multi-perspectival treatment of the conflict that explores issues such as local experiences of victims, the massive relief campaigns by humanitarian NGOs and international organizations like the Red Cross, the actions of foreign powers with interests in the conflict, and the significance of the international public sphere, in which the propaganda and public relations war about the question of genocide was waged.

This book unravels the trajectories and dilemmas of development in Nigeria since its independence in 1960. Despite enormous human and material resources, development progress in Nigeria has not met expectations. By delving into the various factors that have influenced development efforts and initiatives, Development in Nigeria: Promise on Hold? aims to draw out lessons to help the country to achieve its potential. In many ways Nigeria typifies the African puzzle of near-misses, a never-ending drive towards development with enormous promise but no real practical output. As in many states within Africa, these failures can be traced to structural inadequacies and the perennial weakness of public institutions. Problems which collectively undermine sustainable development and growth include political corruption, ethnicity, failure of public institutions, distributional injustice, fiscal centralism in a purported federal state, faulty democratic traditions, malevolent elite class, religious and social conflicts, among others. By taking a comprehensive panoramic overview of the country’s historical experience as both a military dictatorship and democracy, Edlyne Eze Anugwom presents a nuanced, comprehensive and contemporary interrogation of the ever-dynamic forces and factors in Nigeria’s development project. This book’s incisive examination of Nigeria’s development aspirations over time will be of interest to students of Development and African Studies, as well as to practitioners and multilateral agencies involved in development planning and intervention in Nigeria who are looking for strategies for overcoming the challenges facing the country.

This monograph highlights the necessity for taking preventive measures in the form of peace-building as a sustainable and long-term solution to conflicts in West Africa, with a special focus on the Mano River Union countries. Apart from the Mano River Union countries, efforts at resolving other conflicts in say, Guinea Bissau, Senegal, C?te d'Ivoire and Nigeria, have suffered from a lack of attention on the post-conflict imperatives of building peace in order to ensure that sustainable peace is achieved. Given the often intractable and inter-related nature of conflicts in this region, it argues for the need to revisit the existing mechanisms of conflict resolution in the sub-region with a view to canvassing a stronger case for stakeholders towards adopting the peace-building strategy as a more practical and sustainable way of avoiding wars in the sub-region. Peace-building in consonance with its infrastructure is a more sustainable approach to ensuring regional peace and stability and, therefore, ensuring development for the peoples of West Africa. Dr Osita Agbu is currently a Senior Research Fellow at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, Lagos. His areas of specialization include Peace and Conflict studies, Governance and Democratization and Technology and Development. He was until recently, a Visiting Research Fellow at the Institute of Developing Economies, Chiba, Japan.

It is two decades since the ‘third wave’ of democratization began to roll across sub-Saharan Africa in the early 1990s. This book provides a very timely investigation into the progress and setbacks over that period, the challenges that remain and the prospects for future democratization in Africa. It commences with an overall assessment of the (lack of) progress made from 1990 to 2010, exploring positive developments with reasons for caution. Based on original research, subsequent contributions examine various themes through country case-studies, inclusive of: the routinisation of elections, accompanied by democratic rollback and the rise of hybrid regimes; the tenacity of presidential powers; the dilemmas of power-sharing; ethnic voting and rise of a violent politics of belonging; the role of ‘donors’ and the ambiguities of ‘democracy promotion’. Overall, the book concludes that steps forward remain greater than reversals and that typically, though not universally, sub-Saharan African countries are more democratic today than in the late 1980s. Nonetheless, the book also calls for more meaningful processes of democratization that aim not only at securing civil and political rights, but also socio-economic rights and the physical security of African citizens. This book was originally published as a special issue of Democratization

This thesis examines the 'Igbo Question' and emergent forms of Igbo 'self-determination' in contemporary Nigeria. It does this within the context of contested citizenship, ethnic identity politics and the unresolved crisis of state ownership and legitimacy, which all feeds into the 'National Question' in the Nigerian public space. The thesis proceeds from a theoretical standpoint that places the 'Igbo Question' within the framework of the 'tri-polar' power struggle and competition among the three major ethnic groups in Nigeria. Based on a prior idea of statehood which is rooted in the aborted secessionist attempts of the Igbo ethnic group from the Nigerian state between 1967 and 1970, and drawing on the case of an Igbo ethno-nationalist separatist movement in Nigeria, known as the Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), this thesis focuses on the use of 'territory' and 'space' as components of the 'repertoires of contention' in the quest for political change, sovereignty and self-determination. This provides the context in which 'claims' and 'counter-claims' of security, territoriality and sovereignty are enacted. While the thesis draws substantially on various forms of group and sub-national rights which have been identified and studied in international law, political philosophy and social science literature generally, it transcends these debates, but focuses more on the actual processes of appropriating, interpreting and applying these rights and laws against the state in specific contexts. The analysis of the 'Igbo Question' draws on issues and perspectives surrounding the salience, construction, mobilization and politicization of ethnic identity, and the dynamics of its deployment and use in national politics, coupled with the diverse struggles, contentions and conflicts inherent in it. The research provides an innovative and empirically grounded insight into the processes of 'juridification' of self-determination rights for groups within the nationstate in Africa; the dynamics, constraints and possibilities inherent in the mobilization of these rights and laws; the emancipatory potentials or transformative ends of these rights and laws; and the role of violence in nation-building processes in Africa.

Nigerian Federalism: Continuing Quest for Stability and Nation-Building explores the nature of and the debate over a number of recurrent issues, such as the “origins of Nigerian federalism, the number of state units in the federal system, fiscal issues, political parties, distributional issues, and intergovernmental relations” in Nigerian federalism since the establishment of protofederalism under the Richards Constitution, 1946 seventy years ago. In exploring the issues, the book seeks to answer the question, “what accounts for the persistence of Nigerian federalism, despite the serious discontents that the debate throws up now and again?” The book offers a reinterpretation, which argues that the demand for true federalism, which anchors the major trend in the age-long debate on the structure of Nigerian federalism, is ahistorical and therefore static. The book uniquely emphasises the need to periodise the practice of Nigerian federalism into four major phases. Based on the periodisation, two cardinal propositions emerge from the various chapters of the book. First, in spite of separatist and centrifugal threats to its existence, Nigerian federalism has typically never sought to eliminate diversity, but to manage it. In this sense, the construction of Nigeria’s federal system from its earliest beginnings shows clearly that it is both a creature of diversity and an understanding that diversity will remain ingrained in its DNA. Secondly, Nigeria’s federal practice has not sought to mirror any model of “true federalism”, be it in the United States, Canada or elsewhere. Instead, Nigeria’s federal system has been a homegrown, if unstable modulation between foedus and separatus, a constantly negotiated terrain among centripetal and centrifugal forces and between centralisation and decentralisation. Consequently, a historical, periodised understanding of Nigerian federalism is inevitably essential. It is this historical and theoretical-methodological approach to explaining and understanding Nigerian federalism that gives the book its unique character. The book is for the general reader as well as for students, including researchers of Nigerian federalism and of Nigerian constitutional and political development, policymakers, and political parties.

​This book engages literature and opinions of politicians, opinion leaders, religious leaders, lawyers and researchers on national integration in Nigeria. In addition to rotational presidency, participants interviewed by the author also express views on other national integration measures in Nigeria. The monograph represents a critical work in the field, making a significant contribution to the so-far-lacking literature of fieldwork and scholarship on rotational presidency in Nigeria. The monograph will benefit scholars, researchers, peace and conflict experts, politicians, students and other stakeholders on how national integration can be cultivated and consolidated. Its focus on the Fourth Republic ensures its relevance to the management of political tussles inherent to rotating power in a developing and federal country such as Nigeria.