Papua New Guinea’s general election in 2007 attracted particular interest for several reasons. Not only did it follow what was widely acknowledged as the country’s worst election ever, in 2002 (in which elections in six of the country’s 109 electorates were declared to be ‘failed elections’), it was the first general election to be held under a new limited preferential voting system. It also followed the first full parliamentary term under the Organic Law on the Integrity of Political Parties and Candidates, which had been introduced in 2001 in an attempt to strengthen political parties and create a greater degree of stability in the national parliament, and was the first to embrace a ‘whole-of-government’ approach to electoral administration, through an Interdepartmental Electoral Committee. This volume provides an analysis of the 2007 election, drawing on the work of a domestic monitoring team organized through the National Research Institute, and several visiting scholars. It addresses key issues such as voter education, electoral administration, election security, the role of political parties, women as candidates and voters, the shift to limited preferential voting, and HIV transmission, and provides detailed accounts of the election in a number of open and provincial electorates. It is generally agreed that the election of 2007 was an improvement on that of 2002. But problems of electoral administration and voting behaviour remain. These are identified in this volume, and recommendations made for electoral reform.

"This is the most practical, most detailed handbook ever published on the techniques and approaches you need to run a successful campaign for any local office." "More of a "must-do" book than a how-to book, How to Win a Local Election guides readers through the campaign process detailing what they need to accomplish along the way in order to be victorious."--BOOK JACKET.Title Summary field provided by Blackwell North America, Inc. All Rights Reserved

This 2007 book studies the impact of the media on politics in the United States during the last half-century.

Carl W. Dundas, LL.B, LL.M (Lon.), Barrister-at-law (Gray’s Inn) is an Election Expert. While in the service of Jamaica, Mr. Dundas, as the Technical Adviser to a Joint Select Committee of both Houses of Parliament, which dealt with constitutional and electoral reform, eventually became the first Director of Elections 1979-80. He has extensive experience in constitution drafting, particularly the provisions relating to election management bodies. He has given technical assistance in electoral matters in many countries, including Aceh, (Indonesia), Antigua & Barbuda, Botswana, Cayman Islands, Guyana, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Malawi, Mozambique, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Tanzania/Zanzibar, and Zambia; and has been assigned to observe elections in many countries, including Bangladesh, Guyana, Kenya, Liberia, Malaysia, Malawi, Pakistan, Mozambique, South Africa, Tanzania/Zanzibar, and Zambia. He has also advised on election organization and management in Jamaica, Kenya, Liberia, Malawi, Mozambique, Nigeria, South Africa, and Sierra Leone. Mr. Dundas led Commonwealth Secretariat’s electoral technical assistance missions to Guyana, Kenya, Malawi, Namibia, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Tanzania/Zanzibar, and Zambia. He carried out assignments in areas such as designing electoral frameworks for a neutral and impartial electoral management body, the establishment of instruments for the transition from a military one-party to a multiparty system, and has organised capacity-building seminars and workshops. Mr. Dundas was Chairman of the Electoral Boundary Delimitation Commission of the Cayman Islands in 2003 and 2010. As an Election Legal Consultant from 2001 to 2006, Mr. Dundas advised many election management bodies (EMBs) on reform and modernisation, including Aceh (Indonesia), Antigua & Barbuda, Botswana, Cayman Islands, Guyana, Lesotho, Liberia, Nigeria, and Tanzania. In 2006 to 2010, Mr. Dundas took up an appointment as the Chief of Party of the International Foundation for Electoral Systems’ (IFES’) and African Union Support Program (funded by USAID) to advise the African Union on the establishment of a Democracy and Electoral Assistance Unit. In 2011, he returned to private consultancy with an assignment from Commonwealth Secretariat as a consultant to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) of Nigeria and shortly thereafter he accepted an appointment as IFES’ Country Director in Nigeria.

The way in which elections are run is changing, as radical reforms or experiments have been introduced across the world. This book establishes why election administration might be used by political elites to win and maintain power. It identifies the role of elite interests in shaping election administration in USA, UK and Ireland.

A thorough assessment of how the 2008 elections were financed and conducted.

Elections have been central to regime collapse in Nigeria because they neither passed the test of citizens' acceptability nor electoral neutrality. They always pushed the country to a dangerous brink which she has often survived after serious constitutional and political bruises. The general election of 1964 rocked the delicate balance of the country resulting in the military coup of January 15, 1966 and a thirty month civil war. The subsequent effort of the military at restructuring the country did not go far enough to win the civic confidence of the people. The military availed itself of another opportunity of tinkering with the system in 1993. However, it demonstrated that it was not immune to civic dishonesty when it annulled the widely acclaimed free and fair presidential election in June 12, 1993. By fits and starts, Nigeria held another election in 1999 which was tolerated only because of citizens' fatigue of military rule. The elections of 2003 and 2007 were classic examples of make-belief democracy. The feeding of inequity and, if you will, domination, persisted. A combination of fortune, trickery and arm twisting produced a power shift in favour of Dr. Goodluck Ebele Azikwe Jonathan in April 2011. The subsequent attempt by the north to create a strategic consensus did not save it from being pushed into fringe politics forcing some of its spokespersons to vow that they will make governance impossible. The election was better than the worst but much still remains to be done.

This book is the first systematic study to investigate why it is easier to vote in some democracies than in others. It draws on in-depth case studies from Central America and data from Latin America more broadly to address how political parties and other actors interact in constructing election administration rules and procedures. Using a theoretical framework centred on electoral threat, party capacity, and electoral management body composition, the author identifies multiple pathways to inclusive and restrictive election administration.

This handbook provides a sweeping overview of U.S. campaign and election reform efforts, past and present, from the introduction of the secret ballot to touch-screen voting. Emphasizing the major electoral reforms since 2000, this second edition of Campaign and Election Reform investigates the development of the American electoral system from colonial times to the present. It chronicles efforts to expand suffrage, reform campaign financing, and prevent vote fraud, and traces the development of election technology from the paper ballot to the lever voting machine, from the punch-card ballot to the optical-scan and touch-screen systems. The book also explores alternative voting systems, such as preference voting and proportional representation, and compares the U.S. electoral process with the voting systems of selected European democracies. Campaign and Election Reform, Second Edition is essential reading for any citizen who wants to understand the U.S. electoral system, what's wrong with it, and how it might be fixed.