Hong Kong has been one of the fastest growing East Asian economies since the end of the Second World War. The adoption and practice of economic freedom have been major pillars in its economic success. Indeed, the experience of Hong Kong has served as a reference for other emerging economies in the region. The scope of the book elaborates the context and ingredients of economic freedom that have brought success and prosperity to Hong Kong. With sovereignty reversion to China in 1997, it is even more relevant to see how economic freedom is shaping and adapting to the new environment.There exist a number of economic indices based on economic freedom. Hong Kong has been ranked as the freest economy in the world for a number of consecutive years. While the economic freedom indices compare the performance of a large number of word economies, there is a lack of economic literature that studies the absolute level of economic freedom of a single economy. This book boldly serves the purpose of elaborating on the absolute performance of economic freedom in the world's freest economy. It is, therefore, the first of its kind and unique in its field. Numerous areas of studies related to economic freedom are examined, studied and elaborated so that readers can have a full and comprehensive understanding of the content of economic freedom in Hong Kong.

On the 25th anniversary of the establishment of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China, this book presents the first monographic study of the Hong Kong Basic Law as an economic document. The Basic Law codifies what Gonzalo Villalta Puig and Eric C Ip call free market constitutionalism, the logic of Hong Kong’s economic liberty as the freest market economy in the world. This book, which is the outcome of several years of study with the financial support of the General Research Fund of Hong Kong’s Research Grants Council, evaluates the public choice rationale of the Basic Law and its projection on the Hong Kong economy, with a focus on the policy development of economic liberty both internally and externally. In the academic tradition of James M Buchanan’s constitutional political economy, the book opens with a conceptualisation of free market constitutionalism in Hong Kong. It studies the origins of this concept in the 19th-century classically liberal common law and how it developed into a Hayekian laissez-faire convention under British colonial rule, was codified into the Basic Law and is interpreted and applied by the branches of the Government of the Region. The book closes with remarks on the future of Hong Kong’s free market constitutionalism in face of recent challenges as the year 2047 approaches and the 50 years of ‘unchanged’ capitalist system under the Basic Law pass. This book will appeal to students, scholars and practitioners of law, economics, political science and public administration. It will especially appeal to those with an interest in Hong Kong law, international economic law or comparative constitutional law.

This book provides an anatomy of Hong Kong's 2019-2020 social unrest, which has significantly damaged its economy and image. A coalition of Opposition to the Communist Party of China (CPC) emerged in Hong Kong after the 1989 Tiananmen Square Incident. The Basic Law, Hong Kong's mini-constitution which took effect in 1997, defined 'one country, two systems' in Hong Kong but inadvertently installed an 'opposition politics' system that the city was unfamiliar with. Fresh out of a colonial system, Hong Kong did not have the socio-ecological system to hold politicians accountable for their policies. For more than two decades, the tug of war between the Opposition and all other politicians has been delivering inconsistent public policies raising the costs of living and income disparity while hollowing out job opportunities. As a result, the younger generations have been immensely hurt. Meanwhile, the Opposition Camp has been promoting the blame narrative that the CPC is chipping away at Hong Kong's democracy and freedom. While the narrative's empirical evidence is weak and its linkage to Hong Kong's economic grievances is absent, the Opposition Camp has fallen captive to the narrative in the sense that its legitimacy is now tied to the narrative.For more than twenty years, rallies built on the blame narrative have profoundly influenced the development of people who grew up after 1997. Furthermore, the year-long unrest has socialised many more to adopt the narrative. The younger generations have been hurt by inconsistent public policies, and on top of that, the blame narrative has robbed them of any coherent social identity; and finally, the unrest has further dimmed their future. Hong Kong is now facing the problem of how to reincorporate a significant portion among its younger generations into mainstream society. This book offers in-depth analyses of the journey, identifies government and societal failures, and suggests long- and short-term policy directions.

Grounded in history and written by a law professor, this book is a scholarly yet jargon-free explanation of the differences between the common and civil law concepts of the rule of law, and details how they developed out of two different cultural views of the relationships between law, individuals, and government. The author shows how those differences lead to differences in economic development, entrepreneurship, and corporate governance.

How emerging adults, broadly referring to those aged from 18 to 29 years old, fare in civic engagement, as compared with other adults is the focus of the present work. The work takes civic engagement to comprise prosociality in civil society, sustaining social institutions, and challenging institutions. Delineating a theoretical framework based on voluntaristic theory, the work expects to find differences in civic engagement due to the voluntaristic mechanisms of power realization, utilitarian optimization, normative conformity, and idealistic consistency maintenance in the emerging adult, as compared with the other. Using survey data from 25,878 Chinese adults in Hong Kong, the work illustrates that the emerging adult is higher than is the other in challenging social institutions, notably in terms radicalism and occupying protest. Moreover, the emerging adult is less prosocial in terms in community participation. Meanwhile, the emerging adult is not consistently different from the other in sustaining social institutions. The findings are crucial, given the control various background characteristics, including age, education, marriage, and employment. These findings are therefore useful for illustrating social forces postulated in voluntaristic theory for explaining civic engagement.

This book provides a fresh perspective on the debate over the role of the state in East Asia’s development history. Comparing the post-war development policies of Singapore and Hong Kong, it argues that their strong economic performances preceded and persisted despite, not because of, developmental state policies. While both nations are not pure free markets, the Hong Kong economy comes closer to that ideal and exhibited clear advantages over state-driven Singapore, in terms of greater levels of indigenous entrepreneurship, productivity and innovation. The book highlights the complex ways in which states penetrate markets, which are often neglected in liberal accounts of Hong Kong and Singapore as ‘free-market success stories’. At the same time, it also stands as a cautionary tale on the use of non-comprehensive development planning in the twenty-first century, where an unprecedented degree of complexity complicates economic policy and industrial upgrading. The book renews the case for economic liberalism in development policy through a unique Asian cultural lens.

This book provides unique insights into the politics of finance and the socio-political relations which drive financial policymaking in Hong kong, Singapore, and Shanghai. While the existing literature in the field focuses mainly on economic explanations for financial centre development, this book fills a gap by focusing on the socio-political relations which underpin the financial policy-making process. Drawing on extensive interviews with senior policy-makers and financial sector professionals, the book describes how state-industry relations drive financial policy-making in three major financial hubs. Insights and policy recommendations drawn from these interviews will be particularly useful for policy-makers and financial sector professionals hoping to draw lessons from the successful development of the three leading Asian financial centres. Business and Politics in Asia's Key Financial Centres draws on public policy theoretical frameworks for its analytical basis. The three chapters focusing on the historical development of Hong Kong, Singapore, and Shanghai also provide a consolidated narrative with regard to the development of these three cities as leading financial centres, while also serving as independent case studies. Scholars focusing on policy processes and political factors that underpin financial sector development, as well as instructors and students of public policy, international political economy, and financial sector policy, will find this book useful for their research.

The three main research questions posed in this thesis are: (i) What were Hong Kong’s strategies in mitigating the worst impact of the crisis? (ii) Why did Hong Kong commit to the resilience of its currency? (iii) Was the recovery due to luck or deliberate interventions? These questions are answered by a combination of statistical, qualitative, and economic indicator methods. Specifically, the Structural Vector AutoRegressive (SVAR) model is imposed to study the contemporaneous relationships between the real and the financial sectors. This study then draws on data collected from 20 semi-structured interviews with informed commentators to investigate reasons for the resilience of the Hong Kong dollar. Before conclusion, the Kaminsky-Lizondo-Reinhart (KLR) signal approach is employed to forecast future currency crises. The analysis shows that: (i) Hong Kong mitigated the negative effects of the crisis through timely and appropriate interventions; (ii) committing to its position as an international financial centre, Hong Kong defended its currency persistence; (iii) mainland China contributed in underwriting pronouncements to enhance regional confidence given the reunification. Enlightened by Hong Kong’s experience, exposure to currency crises can be reduced with prudent policy interventions, trans-regional co-operation, and the backing of a large and cash-strapped partner.

China is expected to become the world's largest economy in less than two decades. Whether it does so will depend on continued growth of the non-state sector and how well China adapts to global market forces. The essays in this volume consider the state of China's economic reforms, the institutional changes necessary for China to become a global economic power, and the interplay between market reforms and social development in China.

Given that there is no shortage of economic theories while economic problems are growing periodically, Conceptual Economics boldly attempts to initiate a new approach by employing conceptual and intuitive tools to examine the intra-relationship between microeconomics and macroeconomics as well as the inter-relationship between economic analysis and other social science studies, especially the relationship with political science. The few intuitive ideas include the separation between ex-ante situations and ex-post outcomes, the difference between endowment differences and unequal outcomes, and the role of economics as a vehicle in the delivery of numerous social and political activities. The discussion extends to cover an analysis on human values and concludes with a recommendation on the functionality of civic capitalism. With intuition and analytical reasoning within economics and with other social sciences, Conceptual Economics can become a new branch in economic study where scholars, analysts and intellectuals could 'think outside the box' by liaising a wider economic perspective and/or amalgamating non-economic aspects into their analysis. This shall provide a new dimension to solving human economic problems and possibly area of intellectuality.