Corruption is usually understood as hampering political development, economic growth and democratic participation of citizens, but comparing the effects of corruption for different political regimes presents astonishingly complex findings. The ongoing persistence of corruption underlines that it is not only dysfunctional, but can be highly functional as well. This special issue brings together contributions from comparative politics, political science and economics which precisely focus on these (dys) functionalities of corruption in political regimes across various world regions. The question of methodological pluralism is especially important for studying corruption comparatively. While on an international level a trend towards an increased use of quantitative methods in political science as well as in economics can be observed, the special issue underlines the importance of having a pluralistic approach for grasping the complex and multi-layered effects of the phenomenon. Of similar importance is the adoption of a comparative perspective that includes different world regions in order to understand the different roles of corruption in developing, transforming and developed countries alike. Dr. Tobias Debiel is Director of the Centre for Global Cooperation Research and of the Institute for Development and Peace (INEF). Since 2006, he is also Professor in International Relations and Development Policy, Institute of Political Science, University of Duisburg-Essen. Dr. Andrea Gawrich is Professor for International Integration at the University of Gießen.

This report provides an overview of arguments explaining the risk of corruption. Corrupt acts are subject to decision making authority and assets available for grabbing. These assets can be stolen, created by artificial shortage, or become available as the result of a market failure. Assets that are especially exposed to corruption include profits from the private sector, revenues from the export of natural resources, aid and loans, and the proceeds of crime. Whether or not opportunities for corruption are exploited depends on the individuals involved, the institution or society they are part of, and the law enforcement circumstances. Corruption usually persists in situations in which players are aware of the facts but nonetheless condone the practice. Absence of reaction can result from information asymmetries (in which the people who are supposed to act are not aware of the need to act), coordination failure, patronage-determined loyalty, and incentive problems at the political level. This review of results and insights from different parts of the scholarly literature on corruption focuses on areas where research can guide anticorruption policy. The report also describes a number of corruption-related challenges in need of more attention from researchers.

Leaders of hybrid regimes in pursuit of political domination and material gain instrumentalize both hidden forms of corruption and public anti-corruption policies. Corruption is pursued for different purposes including cooperation with strategic partners and exclusion of opponents. Presidents use anti-corruption policies to legitimize and institutionalize political domination. Corrupt practices and anti-corruption policies become two sides of the same coin and are exercised to maintain an uneven political playing field. This study combines empirical analysis and social constructivism for an investigation into the presidencies of Leonid Kuchma (1994–2005), Viktor Yushchenko (2005–2010), and Viktor Yanukovych (2010–2014). Explorative expert interviews, press surveys, content analysis of presidential speeches, as well as critical assessment of anti-corruption legislation are used for comparison and process tracing of the utilization of corruption under three Ukrainian presidents.

Through investigatory reports and interviews, Jonathan Jansen reveals the structural conditions for chronic dysfunction in a sample of South African universities. He reveals the political economy at work and the intense competition for resources on campuses. He also provides interventions for these fragile institutions. Why do some universities seem to be in a constant state of turmoil and dysfunction? Jonathan Jansen explores the root causes of chronic instability in a sample of South African universities. Through scrutiny of investigatory reports and interviews with more than 100 university managers and government officials, Jansen finds that at the heart of the dysfunction in universities is an intense and sometimes deadly competition for resources especially on campuses located in impoverished communities. It is not the lack of institutional resources but their concentration in a university that draws a mix of corrupt actors from local politicians and taxi operators to members of council and management into a never-ending run on the material (such as money for infrastructure) and symbolic (namely, graduation certificates for sale) assets of these institutions. Jansen argues that the problem won't be solved through investments in 'capacity building' alone because the combination of institutional capacity and institutional integrity contributes to serial instability in universities. Jansen makes an important intervention to understanding the root causes and offers interventions to produce stabilities such as the depoliticisation of university councils and appointing academics of integrity and capacity in the management and leadership of these fragile institutions. This groundbreaking and long overdue study will offer a promising way forward for universities to better serve their communities and the country more broadly.

Corruption is a pervasive problem for global justice: Gillian Brock presents a much-needed philosophical treatment. She offers a new framework for allocating responsibility for corruption, providing the analytical tools we need to tackle the global injustice that it causes.

In Corruption in Latin America the reader is presented with an alternative starting point for understanding corruption in this key region. The author asserts that corruption is a stable and rational social and organizational mechanism. Seen through this lens, we can begin to understand why it persists, and how to implement strategies to control corruption effectively. Beginning with an in-depth, nuanced examination of the concept of corruption, the author establishes the theoretical basis for viewing corruption as a social construct. An analysis of the experiences of four countries in the region – Argentina, Brazil, Guatemala and Mexico – provides the reader with concrete data from which they can understand how and why these behaviors are reproduced, validated, and tolerated in everyday settings between governments and citizens, governments and firms, and firms and clients. Once we see corruption as the socially sanctioned norm for getting business done, we can begin to produce and propose effective solutions to reduce corruption in Latin America by designing and implementing instruments that transform this dynamic. This rigorous and original approach will challenge the reader’s assumptions about corruption, and will appeal to students of corporate governance, international business, public management, and business ethics.

The Routledge Handbook of Scandinavian Politics is a comprehensive overview of Scandinavian politics provided by leading experts in the field and covering the polity, the politics and the policy of Scandinavia. Coherently structured with a multi-level thematic approach, it explains and details Scandinavian politics today through a series of cutting-edge chapters. It will be a key reference point both for advanced-level students developing knowledge about the subject, as well as researchers producing new material in the area and beyond. It brings geographical scope and depth, with comparative chapters contributed by experts across the region. Methodologically and theoretically pluralistic, the handbook is in itself a reflection of the field of political science in Scandinavia and the diversity of the issues covered in the volume. The Routledge Handbook of Scandinavian Politics will be an essential reference for scholars, students, researchers and practitioners interested and working in the fields of Scandinavian politics, European politics, comparative politics and international relations.

Criminal law efficiency is a concept often referred to but seldom defined. Clarity, the author argues, is necessary for finding practical solutions to fundamental challenges in this area of law, especially with the criminal justice system itself at risk. Tina Søreide offers views in contrast to mainstream ideas on optimal criminal law responses to corruption, with emphasis on the fundamental role of the criminal justice system in the fight against corruption, and the effect this can have on other mechanisms in society. Her analysis explains the concept of criminal law efficiency through economic approaches and why many criminal law responses to corruption are at risk of becoming ‘façade strategies’ that may, in fact facilitate corruption. Corruption and Criminal Justice offers insights into the obstacles that policymakers and government advisors cannot ignore. It serves as an invaluable resource for advanced students and academics interested in law, economics, and large corporations.

This book seeks to enrich and, in some cases, reverse current ideas on corruption and its prevention. It is a long held belief that sanctions are the best guard against corrupt practise. This innovative work argues that in some cases sanctions paradoxically increase corruption and that controls provide opportunities for corrupt transactions. Instead it suggests that better regulation and responsive enforcement, not sanctions, offer the most effective response to corruption. Taking both a theoretical and applied approach, it examines the question from a global perspective, drawing on in particular a regulatory perspective, to provide a model for tackling corrupt practises.

Fred A. Baughman Jr., MD is an adult and child neurologist who has made "disease" (brain tumor, multiple sclerosis, etc.) vs. "no disease" (emotional, psychiatric) diagnoses daily and has discovered and described real diseases. Herein he describes the difference between psychiatry/psychology, on the one hand, and neurology and all organic medicine, on the other, and why ADHD and all of psychiatry's "chemical imbalances" are not diseases at all--but fraud. Referring to psychiatry, he states: "They made a list of the most common symptoms of emotional discomfiture of children and in a stroke that could not be more devoid of science or Hippocratic motive-termed them " diseases"/ "chemical imbalances" each needing/requiring a "chemical balancer"- a pill." In 1970, when "hyperactivity"/"minimal brain damage" (forerunners of ADHD) was first represented to Congress to be a brain disease, only 150,000 had it. Today, not by science or truth, but the "big lie" -saying it is a disease often enough, 6 million have it! Nor is ADHD the only "chemical imbalance." They give us conduct disorder (CD), oppositional-defiant disorder (ODD), major depressive disorder (MDD), OCD, PTSD, GAD, SAD, etc., a total of 374 psychiatric disorders in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM-IV-TR) of the American Psychiatric Association (APA), said to be "chemical imbalances" needing "chemical balancers" --pills! In 2003 Congressional hearings it was said that 17% of the nation's school children, 8.8 million, were labeled and drugged by psychiatry. Today it is 20%; one in five; over 10 million! How better to sew the seeds of our own destruction? As if this were not enough, the President's New Freedom Commission on Mental Health is set to foist compulsory, government-mandated, mental health screening on all 52 million US schoolchildren. When normal people are lied to, told they have a "disease" to make "patients" of them, their right to informed consent has been abrogated and they no longer live in a democracy. When, pursuant to that lie, they are drugged, what we have is not "treatment" but poisoning. This is the greatest health care fraud in modern medical history.