In the evolution of the Conservative party, the period between 1866 and 1880 marks a critical stage. It is in these years that Disraeli is often held to have founded 'modern' Conservatism, by adapting the party to the necessity of broading the franchise and promoting the interests of the new working-class electors to the forefront of politics. Yet the party hardly became deeply imbued with 'Disraelian' ideas, and the vital current in its development seems to have been rather its growing understanding with the urban bourgeoisie than any raaprochement with the urban working classes. The book discusses the party's course of evolution in its Disraelian period by focusing on a central theme of 'Disraelian' Conservatism -- social reform. Dr Smith examines the role given to social reform in Conservative strategy, and the attitudes adopted by the party towards the social problems most important to the condition of the working classes, education, public health, housing, labour questions, the drink traffic, and poor relief. Finally, he gauges how far the party was affected by 'Disraelian' ideas of popular appeal on the basis of social improvement, and how far its outlook and character were being shaped in other moulds.

Benjamin Disraeli, Earl of Beaconsfield, remains one of the most fascinating and enigmatic figures in British political history. He was the romantic radical, who went on to lead the Conservative party; the urban, middle class Jew, who identified himself with a ruling elite based on the aristocracy, land and Anglicanism. This study of Disraeli seeks to provide a balanced coverage of the whole of his career, giving equal weight to the long period spent as leader of the opposition, as well as examining his rise to the Conservative leadership and his subsequent record as Prime Minister. An assessment is offered of Disraeli's contribution to the late-Victorian Conservative party's political ascendancy, and in particular to its image as the 'national' party.

This text examines Disraeli's life. It includes chapters on his youth, his arrival at Parliament, his marriage, political opposition, the Derby-Disraeli government, parliamentary triumph and electoral failure, and his struggle with Gladstone.

Examines the major aspects of Disraeli's career and his legacy, asking how far his actions were governed by principles and how far by expediency.

This book traces the often sharply differing perspectives historians have formed with regard to the key incidents in the careers of the two foremost politicians of the Victorian age – Gladstone and Disraeli. Following the parallel careers of both men, it focuses upon a series of contentious questions, ranging from why Disraeli opposed Corn Law repeal in 1846 and Gladstone abandoned his High Tory politics for Peelism, to whether Disraeli was ever an Imperialist and why Gladstone took up the cause of Irish Home Rule. By juxtaposing the contrasting interpretations advocated by historians, it brings home to students how history is a continually evolving subject in which every generation poses new questions, or reformulates answers to old ones – encouraging those studying the subject to realise that history is an ongoing dialogue to which they are called upon to contribute.

For most of the twentieth century, the Conservative Party engaged in an ongoing struggle to curb the power of the trade unions, culminating in the radical legislation of the Thatcher governments. Yet, as this book shows, for a brief period between the end of the Second World War and the election of Harold Wilson's Labour government in 1964, the Conservative Party adopted a remarkably constructive and conciliatory approach to the trade unions, dubbed 'voluntarism'. During this time the party leadership made strenuous efforts to avoid, as far as was politically possible, confrontation with, or legislation against, the trade unions, even when this incurred the wrath of some Conservative backbenchers and the Party's mass membership. In explaining why the Conservative leadership sought to avoid conflict with the trade unions, this study considers the economic circumstances of the period in question, the political environment, electoral considerations, the perspective adopted by the Conservative leadership in comprehending industrial relations and explaining conflict in the workplace, and the personalities of both the Conservative leadership and the key figures in the trade unions. Making extensive use of primary and archival sources it explains why the 1945-64 period was unique in the Conservative Party's approach to Britain's trade unions. By 1964, though, even hitherto Conservative defenders of voluntarism were acknowledging that some form of official inquiry into the conduct and operation of trade British unionism, as a prelude to legislation, was necessary, thereby signifying that the heyday of 'voluntarism' and cordial relations between senior Conservatives and the trade unions was coming to an end.

Cover -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Part One. Becoming Disraeli, 1804-1837 -- Part Two. Being Dizzy, 1837-1859 -- Part Three. The Old Jew, 1859-1881 -- Conclusion: The Last Court Jew -- Notes -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Y

Why does Japan, with its efficiency-oriented technocracy, periodically adopt welfare-oriented, economically inefficient domestic policies? In answering this question Kent Calder shows that Japanese policymakers respond to threats to the ruling party's preeminence by extending income compensation, entitlements, and subsidies, with market-oriented retrenchment coming as crisis subsides. "Quite simply the most ambitious and strongly argued interpretation of a key dimension of Japanese political life to appear in English this decade."--David Williams, Japan Times "Historically dense and conceptually rich.... [Forces] readers' attention to the domestic underpinnings of Japanese foreign policy."--Donald S. Zagoria, Foreign Affairs "Punctures the myth of Japan Inc. as a cool, rational monolith...."--Kathleen Newland, Millennium "A bold reinterpretation of Japanese politics that will force us to rethink many of our current assumptions and will influence our research agenda."--Steven R. Reed, Journal of Japanese Studies

The Routledge Companion to Britain in the Nineteenth Century, 1815–1914 is an accessible and indispensable compendium of essential information on the Victorian and Edwardian eras. Using chronologies, maps, glossaries, an extensive bibliography, a wealth of statistical information and nearly two hundred biographies of key figures, this clear and concise book provides a comprehensive guide to modern British history from the end of the Napoleonic Wars to the outbreak of the First World War. As well as the key areas of political, economic and social development of the era, this book also covers the increasingly emergent themes of sexuality, leisure, gender and the environment, exploring in detail the following aspects of the nineteenth century: parliamentary and political reform chartism, radicalism and popular protest the Irish Question the rise of Imperialism the regulation of sexuality and vice the development of organised sport and leisure the rise of consumer society. This book is an ideal reference resource for students and teachers alike.