Learn how to win the war in your mind by filling your heart with the truth of the Holy Spirit and defending yourself against harmful thought patterns. Whether you recognize it or not, you're at war with yourself. Anxiety--Selfishness--Self-sabotaging tendencies--Narcissism--The black dog of depression... But whatever your battle may be, all is not lost. You can win...if you choose to engage. In this five-session video Bible study (DVD sold separately), Levi Lusko explains how you can fight this battle by declaring war on your thoughts, your words, and your actions. Levi candidly shares about his struggles with moodiness, bullying, suicidal thoughts, and night terrors to show how you--with the help of the Holy Spirit--can achieve victory by learning to think right so you can live right. So that you can claim the victory God has for you. The I Declare War Study Guide includes: Video teaching notes Discussion questions Bible exploration Weekly personal study Reflection materials Sessions include: It's Time to Declare War Declaring War on Your Thoughts Declaring War on Your Words Declaring War on Your Actions Your Secret Weapon in the Battle It's time to stop being your own worst enemy. It's time to declare war and become the person, the spouse, the parent, the leader God intended you to be. Designed for use with I Declare War Video Study (9780310094913), sold separately.

'Deighton really is something special' Sunday Times Len Deighton's only collection of short stories explores the devastating experiences of ordinary soldiers across over two thousand years of war. From Hannibal's march on Rome to the American Civil War, and from a British Hurricane pilot in the Second World War to a modern conflict played out in the Mexican borderlands, each of these stories shows the effects of war on the human character, and how it can lead to extraordinary deeds, both great and terrible. 'Len Deighton is a fearless observer of the deceptive human world' John Gray

“Vanity is an iron curtain cursed upon those who choose to wield it” So reads the last line in the foreword to Christopher Greenfield’s newly renowned Declaration of War. Influenced by the anti-normative likes of Charles Bukowski, the envisionary idealism of Albert Camus, the ruthless cultural critique of Friedrich Nietzsche, and the naturalism of David Hume, Greenfield calls into question via a series of short stories and poems the essential tenets of the human condition; what it means to truly be free, why we desire love and belonging, wherein hatred and bigotry are rooted when we seemingly desire quite the opposite, and the subliminal functions of power and authority that relentlessly work to keep us enslaved to our own primal self-destructive tendencies in the midst of a society that has far outgrown the need for them. Knowing first-hand what it’s like to be deemed the “black dog”, “rebel”, and the “heretic” of social circles, Christopher Greenfield was intrigued by the curious fascination of his friends and colleagues. The collection of works contained in the Declaration of War are based on real conversations, debates, and experiences that serve to allude to the grander image of human strife, will power, and the nature of one’s own suffering; that which, if able to be harnessed, may be used to create something beautiful... beyond the absurdity of the ‘superficial and mundane’.

Since the September 11 attacks on the United States, the Bush administration has come under fire for its methods of combating terrorism. Waging war against al Qaeda has proven to be a legal quagmire, with critics claiming that the administration's response in Afghanistan and Iraq is unconstitutional. The war on terror—and, in a larger sense, the administration's decision to withdraw from the ABM Treaty and the Kyoto accords—has many wondering whether the constitutional framework for making foreign affairs decisions has been discarded by the present administration. John Yoo, formerly a lawyer in the Department of Justice, here makes the case for a completely new approach to understanding what the Constitution says about foreign affairs, particularly the powers of war and peace. Looking to American history, Yoo points out that from Truman and Korea to Clinton's intervention in Kosovo, American presidents have had to act decisively on the world stage without a declaration of war. They are able to do so, Yoo argues, because the Constitution grants the president, Congress, and the courts very different powers, requiring them to negotiate the country's foreign policy. Yoo roots his controversial analysis in a brilliant reconstruction of the original understanding of the foreign affairs power and supplements it with arguments based on constitutional text, structure, and history. Accessibly blending historical arguments with current policy debates, The Powers of War and Peace will no doubt be hotly debated. And while the questions it addresses are as old and fundamental as the Constitution itself, America's response to the September 11 attacks has renewed them with even greater force and urgency. “Can the president of the United States do whatever he likes in wartime without oversight from Congress or the courts? This year, the issue came to a head as the Bush administration struggled to maintain its aggressive approach to the detention and interrogation of suspected enemy combatants in the war on terrorism. But this was also the year that the administration’s claims about presidential supremacy received their most sustained intellectual defense [in] The Powers of War and Peace.”—Jeffrey Rosen, New York Times “Yoo’s theory promotes frank discussion of the national interest and makes it harder for politicians to parade policy conflicts as constitutional crises. Most important, Yoo’s approach offers a way to renew our political system’s democratic vigor.”—David B. Rivkin Jr. and Carlos Ramos-Mrosovsky, National Review

The Road to War examines how presidential commitments can lead to the use of American military force, and to war. Marvin Kalb notes that since World War II, "presidents have relied more on commitments, public and private, than they have on declarations of war, even though the U.S. Constitution declares rather unambiguously that Congress has the responsibility to "declare" war.

A riveting account of the five most crucial days in twentieth-century diplomatic history: from Pearl Harbor to Hitler’s declaration of war on the United States By early December 1941, war had changed much of the world beyond recognition. Nazi Germany occupied most of the European continent, while in Asia, the Second Sino-Japanese War had turned China into a battleground. But these conflicts were not yet inextricably linked—and the United States remained at peace. Hitler’s American Gamble recounts the five days that upended everything: December 7 to 11. Tracing developments in real time and backed by deep archival research, historians Brendan Simms and Charlie Laderman show how Hitler’s intervention was not the inexplicable decision of a man so bloodthirsty that he forgot all strategy, but a calculated risk that can only be understood in a truly global context. This book reveals how December 11, not Pearl Harbor, was the real watershed that created a world war and transformed international history.

This book examines a fundamental question in the development of the American empire: What constraints does the Constitution place on our territorial expansion, military intervention, occupation of foreign countries, and on the power the president may exercise over American foreign policy? Worried about the dangers of unchecked executive power, the Founding Fathers deliberately assigned Congress the sole authority to make war. But the last time Congress declared war was on December 8, 1941, after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. Since then, every president from Harry Truman to George W. Bush has used military force in pursuit of imperial objectives, while Congress and the Supreme Court have virtually abdicated their responsibilities to check presidential power. Legal historian Irons recounts this story of subversion from above, tracing presidents' increasing willingness to ignore congressional authority and even suspend civil liberties.--From publisher description.

“A tour de force.... No one has ever written a book on the Declaration quite like this one.” —Gordon Wood, New York Review of Books Winner of the Zócalo Book Prize Winner of the Society of American Historians’ Francis Parkman Prize Winner of the Chicago Tribune’s Heartland Prize (Nonfiction) Finalist for the Zora Neale Hurston/Richard Wright Foundation Hurston Wright Legacy Award Shortlisted for the PEN/John Kenneth Galbraith Award for Nonfiction Shortlisted for the Phi Beta Kappa Society’s Ralph Waldo Emerson Award A New York Times Book Review Editors Choice Selection Featured on the front page of the New York Times, Our Declaration is already regarded as a seminal work that reinterprets the promise of American democracy through our founding text. Combining a personal account of teaching the Declaration with a vivid evocation of the colonial world between 1774 and 1777, Allen, a political philosopher renowned for her work on justice and citizenship reveals our nation’s founding text to be an animating force that not only changed the world more than two-hundred years ago, but also still can. Challenging conventional wisdom, she boldly makes the case that the Declaration is a document as much about political equality as about individual liberty. Beautifully illustrated throughout, Our Declaration is an “uncommonly elegant, incisive, and often poetic primer on America’s cardinal text” (David M. Kennedy).