This book examines political and constitutional developments in confederate Ireland from the formation of embryonic governmental institutions in 1642 until the signing of the 'Second Ormond Peace' in 1649. This book challenges certain misconceptions common to most previously published research on the nature and operation of the confederate association. These misconceptions originate in a failure to accurately classify the different social and cultural groups who formed that alliance, leading to a misunderstanding of the relationship between the confederates and, more importantly, of what originally united, and ultimately divided them.

This book evaluates the Confederate Catholic war effort from the preceeding phase of localized insurgency, through the formation of a national self-government in 1642, until the Confederate Catholic regime was finally subsumed in a broad pan-Royalist alliance in 1649. While this alliance held out the prospect of significant religious and constitutional concessons this achievement was nullified by the subsequent Cromwellian catastrophe: the Confederate regime failed. In attributing this failure to political factionalism, historians have neglected the potential and limitations of the Confederate war effort. This study does not substitute crude military determinism but acknowledges that political indecision and strategic incoherence inhibited the war effort at critical junctures. From the conflicting political priorities of Confederates two partially exclusive military strategies, insular, and expeditionary, can be identified. Both strategies were proactive and so demanded standing armies rather than local militia units. This book emphasizes the crucial importance of the tax gathering apparatus in fueling the incremental growth of standing armies. In the absence of large scale foreign patronage, exacting money from an agrarian economy, rather than the shortages of material, or still less, manpower representing the crucial extrinsic limit to Confederate military potential. Given these limits, it was a considerable achievement to contain two British interventions (in 1642 and 1646/7 respectively). The influence of the contemporaneous "military revolution" on the European mainland was mediated by the cadre of returned mercenary officers. Consequently, the Confederates developed a qualitative edge in fortification and siegecraft. The application of the continental model and the shift from putatively "celtic" or irregular tactics of raiding and running battles would be more problematic. This and other explanations for the poor battlefield performance of the Confederate armies are discussed.

Osprey's study of Oliver Cromwell's campaigns during the end of the English Civil War (1642-1651). Following the execution of King Charles I in January 1649, the English Parliament saw their opportunity to launch an assault on the Royalist enclave in Ireland. Oliver Cromwell was appointed as Deputy of Ireland to lead a campaign to restore direct control and quell the Confederate opposition. The first battle in Cromwell's bloody offensive was at Drogheda, where an assault on the city walls resulted in the slaughter of almost 4000 defenders and inhabitants. The Parliamentary troops then proceeded to Wexford where battle once again lead to a massacre. After Cromwell returned to England, his son-in-law, Henry Ireton, continued the operation which ended with the surrender of Galway in 1652 and led to the Act for the Settlement of Ireland, in which Irish Royalists and Confederates were evicted and their lands 'settled' by those who had advanced funds to Parliament.

This book presents new research on a crucial period in Irish history, looking at how individuals and institutions responded to an unprecedented crisis in church and state. It provides perspectives on the roles of English intervention, Confederate politics and the Catholic and Protestant churches, alongside challenging takes on Ormond and Cromwell.

In a century of unrelenting, bloody warfare and religious persecution in Europe, Cromwell was, in many ways, a product of his times. As commander-in-chief of the army in Ireland, however, the responsibilities for the excesses of the military must be laid firmly at his door, while the harsh nature of the post-war settlement also bears his imprint.

This Handbook brings together leading historians of the events surrounding the English revolution, exploring how the events of the revolution grew out of, and resonated, in the politics and interactions of the each of the Three Kingdoms--England, Scotland, and Ireland. It captures a shared British and Irish history, comparing the significance of events and outcomes across the Three Kingdoms. In doing so, the Handbook offers a broader context for the history of the Scottish Covenanters, the Irish Rising of 1641, and the government of Confederate Ireland, as well as the British and Irish perspective on the English civil wars, the English revolution, the Regicide, and Cromwellian period. The Oxford Handbook of the English Revolution explores the significance of these events on a much broader front than conventional studies. The events are approached not simply as political, economic, and social crises, but as challenges to the predominant forms of religious and political thought, social relations, and standard forms of cultural expression. The contributors provide up-to-date analysis of the political happenings, considering the structures of social and political life that shaped and were re-shaped by the crisis. The Handbook goes on to explore the long-term legacies of the crisis in the Three Kingdoms and their impact in a wider European context.

How did the Protestants gain a monopoly over the running of Ireland and replace the Catholics as rulers and landowners? To answer this question, Toby Barnard: - Examines the Catholics' attempt to regain control over their own affairs, first in the 1640s and then between 1689 and 1691 - Outlines how military defeats doomed the Catholics to subjection, allowing Protestants to tighten their grip over the government - Studies in detail the mechanisms - both national and local - through which Protestant control was exercised Focusing on the provinces as well as Dublin, and on the subjects as well as the rulers, Barnard draws on an abundance of unfamiliar evidence to offer unparalleled insights into Irish lives during a troubled period.

The legacy of Oliver Cromwell is still haunts the Irish imagination. His alleged directive to the Catholic Irish to get ""to Hell or Connaught,"" and the policy that drove it, permanently altered the ownership of Irish soil.The Parliamentary forces' civil war against Charles I were enmeshed in a ruthless campaign against popery and the Catholic perpetrators of the assault on the Protestant colonists of 1641. The legacy of sectarianism has marred Irish politics to this day. Prendergast's research reveals his keen eye for evidence. His dismissal of the colonists' claims about the nature of the uprising of 1641 and his attitudes to race are contested, but he was a man of his times. More significantly his prejudices did not blind him and he lets his sources speak for themselves, while his analytical mind identifies the underlying economic motivation and forces behind the apparently civilising religious mission driving the settlement.