The Makarov Pistol entered service as the primary service pistol in the armed forces and security services of the Soviet Union in 1951. It continues to serve in the forces of the Russian Federation, and the former Soviet Union, and of nations around the world. It has been estimated that some 5 million Makarov pistols had been produced in the Soviet Union and Russian Federation alone up 2002, and production continues for military, police and civil markets in Russia to this day. Additionally, the Makarov Pistol was also produced under license in East Germany, Bulgaria and China. The Makarov Pistol has served around the world in conflicts and security duties in all climates and terrains, and can claim the distinction of being the first firearm to be carried into space. Despite the large numbers and the widespread use of the Makarov Pistol, it remained a rare and little known firearm among western collectors until the end of the Cold War. In the 1990s however, large numbers of Makarov Pistols, accessories and its previously unobtainable 9x18mm cartridge were exported to the west with the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Eastern Bloc, opening up a new field of firearms collecting. While collectors have been documenting and recording the many aspects of the Makarov Pistol over the last 25 years, this information has never been systematically consolidated into a handy reference book - until now. This book documents the Makarov Pistols produced by the Soviet Union and Russian Federation, and the Pistole M, the version produced in East Germany. This is the first volume of a two volume series documenting the history, features, manufacturing variations and markings of the Makarov Pistol, its accessories, documentation and other collectibles available to the collector. This is a book by collectors, for collectors, and it is the first comprehensive collector's review of the Makarov Pistol.

In January 2007, three young stoners from Miami Beach won a $300 million US Government contract to supply ammunition to the Afghanistan military. Instead of fulfilling the order with high-quality arms, they bought cheap Communist-style surplus ammo from Balkan gunrunners. The dudes then secretly repackaged millions of rounds of shoddy Chinese ammunition and shipped it to Kabul - until they were caught by Pentagon investigators. That's the 'official' story. The truth is far more explosive. Originally published as 'The Arms and the Dudes', this is a trip that goes from a dive apartment in Miami Beach to mountain caves in Albania, the corridors of power in Washington, and the frontlines of Iraq and Afghanistan. This is a story you were never meant to read.

This is a print on demand edition of a hard to find publication. Examines terrorists¿ involvement in a variety of crimes ranging from motor vehicle violations, immigration fraud, and mfg. illegal firearms to counterfeiting, armed bank robbery, and smuggling weapons of mass destruction. There are 3 parts: (1) Compares the criminality of internat. jihad groups with domestic right-wing groups. (2) Six case studies of crimes includes trial transcripts, official reports, previous scholarship, and interviews with law enforce. officials and former terrorists are used to explore skills that made crimes possible; or events and lack of skill that the prevented crimes. Includes brief bio. of the terrorists along with descriptions of their org., strategies, and plots. (3) Analysis of the themes in closing arguments of the transcripts in Part 2. Illus.

"Guns, Democracy, and the Insurrectionist Idea recasts the gun debate by showing its importance to the future of democracy and the modern regulatory state. Until now, gun rights advocates had effectively co-opted the language of liberty and democracy and made it their own. This book is an important first step in demonstrating how reasonable gun control is essential to the survival of democracy and ordered liberty." ---Saul Cornell, Ohio State University When gun enthusiasts talk about constitutional liberties guaranteed by the Second Amendment, they are referring to freedom in a general sense, but they also have something more specific in mind---freedom from government oppression. They argue that the only way to keep federal authority in check is to arm individual citizens who can, if necessary, defend themselves from an aggressive government. In the past decade, this view of the proper relationship between government and individual rights and the insistence on a role for private violence in a democracy has been co-opted by the conservative movement. As a result, it has spread beyond extreme militia groups to influence state and national policy. In Guns, Democracy, and the Insurrectionist Idea, Joshua Horwitz and Casey Anderson set the record straight. They challenge the proposition that more guns equal more freedom and expose Insurrectionism as a true threat to freedom in the United States today. Joshua Horwitz received a law degree from George Washington University and is currently a visiting scholar at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health. Casey Anderson holds a law degree from Georgetown University and is currently a lawyer in private practice in Washington, D.C.

The most useful forms of outside support for an insurgent movement include safe havens, financial support, political backing, and direct military assistance. Because states are able to provide all of these types of assistance, their support has had a profound impact on the effectiveness of many rebel movements since the end of the Cold War. However, state support is no longer the only, or indeed necessarily the most important, game in town. Diasporas have played a particularly important role in sustaining several strong insurgencies. More rarely, refugees, guerrilla groups, or other types of non-state supporters play a significant role in creating or sustaining an insurgency, offering fighters, training, or other forms of assistance. This report assesses post-Cold War trends in external support for insurgent movements. It describes the frequency that states, diasporas, refugees, and other non-state actors back guerrilla movements. It also assesses the motivations of these actors and which types of support matter most. This book concludes by assessing the implications for analysts of insurgent movements.

Discusses the way leaders deal with risk in making foreign policy decisions