‘Churchill, Eden and Indo-China, 1951-1955’ offers a systematic approach to pertinent international politics, providing a historiography and assessing the impact of events such as the Cold War and the Second World War within the context of the governments of Churchill and Eden. Revisiting Churchill's wartime helmsmanship in order to shed further light on his post-war administration, Nông Dân provides a greater historical awareness of the broad international context of decolonized Indo-China and South East Asia.

‘Churchill, Eden and Indo-China, 1951-1955’ offers a systematic approach to pertinent international politics, providing a historiography and assessing the impact of events such as the Cold War and the Second World War within the context of the governments of Churchill and Eden. Revisiting Churchill's wartime helmsmanship in order to shed further light on his post-war administration, Nông Dân provides a greater historical awareness of the broad international context of decolonized Indo-China and South East Asia.

This historical study sheds new light on the partnership and rivalry between two of the UK’s most significant political leaders from WWII to the Cold War. For more than two decades, Winston Churchill and Anthony Eden worked closely together. As Churchill’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary, Eden took over leadership of the nation when Churchill resigned from office. But while one is revered as a great leader and national icon, the other is remembered as the architect of Britain's worst foreign policy failure. Churchill and Eden tells the story of the relationship between two men who led Britain through war and peace. The narrative ranges from the sunny south of France to the deserts of Africa and the jungles of Vietnam, covering the eras of the Second World War, the decline of Britain's Empire and the coming of the Cold War. Historian David Charlwood offers a new perspective on the lives and decision-making of two of the most well-known political figures of the Twentieth Century.

Britain, America and the Special Relationship since 1941 examines the Anglo-American strategic and military relationship that developed during the Second World War and continued until recent years. Forged on a common ground of social, cultural, and ideological values as well as political expediency, this partnership formed the basis of the western alliance throughout the Cold War, playing an essential part in bringing stability to the post-1945 international order. Clearly written and chronologically organized, the book begins by discussing the origins of the ‘Special Relationship’ and its progression from uneasy coexistence in the eighteenth century to collaboration at the start of the Second World War. McKercher explores the continued evolution of this partnership during the conflicts that followed, such as the Suez Crisis, the Vietnam War, and the Falklands War. The book concludes by looking at the developments in British and American politics during the past two decades and analysing the changing dynamics of this alliance over the course of its existence. Illustrated with maps and photographs and supplemented by a chronology of events and list of key figures, this is an essential introductory resource for students of the political history and foreign policies of Britain and the United States in the twentieth century.

A new understanding of the post World War II era, showing what occurred when the British Empire wouldn’t step aside for the rising American superpower—with global insights for today. An enduring myth of the twentieth century is that the United States rapidly became a superpower in the years after World War II, when the British Empire—the greatest in history—was too wounded to maintain a global presence. In fact, Derek Leebaert argues in Grand Improvisation, the idea that a traditionally insular United States suddenly transformed itself into the leader of the free world is illusory, as is the notion that the British colossus was compelled to retreat. The United States and the U.K. had a dozen abrasive years until Washington issued a “declaration of independence” from British influence. Only then did America explicitly assume leadership of the world order just taking shape. Leebaert’s character-driven narrative shows such figures as Churchill, Truman, Eisenhower, and Kennan in an entirely new light, while unveiling players of at least equal weight on pivotal events. Little unfolded as historians believe: the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan; the Korean War; America’s descent into Vietnam. Instead, we see nonstop U.S. improvisation until America finally lost all caution and embraced obligations worldwide, a burden we bear today. Understanding all of this properly is vital to understanding the rise and fall of superpowers, why we’re now skeptical of commitments overseas, how the Middle East plunged into disorder, why Europe is fracturing, what China intends—and the ongoing perils to the U.S. world role.

In 1950 the British government accorded diplomatic recognition to the newly founded People's Republic of China. But it took 22 years for Britain to establish full diplomatic relations with China. How far was Britain's China policy a failure until 1972? This book argues that Britain and China were involved in the 'everyday Cold War', or a continuous process of contestation and cooperation that allowed them to 'normalize' their confrontation in the absence of full diplomatic relations. From Vietnam and Taiwan to the mainland and Hong Kong, China's 'everyday Cold War' against Britain was marked by diplomatic ritual, propaganda rhetoric and symbolic gestures. Rather than pursuing a failed policy of 'appeasement', British decision-makers and diplomats regarded engagement or negotiation with China as the best way of fighting the 'everyday Cold War'. Based on extensive British and Chinese archival sources, this book examines not only the high politics of Anglo-Chinese relations, but also how the British diplomats experienced the Cold War at the local level.

In All the Way with JFK? Peter Busch shatters many a myth about Anglo-American relations and the Vietnam War. Demolishing the scholarly consensus thtat Britain was in constant pursuit of peace in Indochina, he shows that the British government ruled out a negotiated settlement, advised JohnF. Kennedy to conceal the American military build-up, and helped to put the blame for the escalating conflict squarely on the communist regime in Hanoi. Simultaneously, Britain increased its own involvement in the conflict by sending Robert Thompson as the head of a team of counter-insurgencyexperts to South Vietnam. The detailed analysis of the British Advisory Mission disproves the oft-repeated view that Thompson was the brain behind the strategic hamlet programme, in which Kennedy and his administration put so much faith. However, the British experts were convinced of theprogramme's eventual success, and Thompson told Kennedy in 1963 that the South Vietnamese were winning the war.Drawing on newly released documents from archives in Britain, the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and East Germany, the compelling story of Britain's involvement in Vietnam is set in the context of the Cold War in South-East Asia. While Britain was en route to getting more deeplyinvolved in Vietnam, Indonesia's confrontation policy re-focused London's attention to the Malayan area in 1963. Britain wanted to demonstrate to the world, and particularly to President Kennedy, the Australians, and the New Zealanders, that it was still willing and able to safeguard Commonwealthinterests in South-East Asia. Indeed, Whitehall's unequivocal defence commitment to Malaysia, coupled with the British military build-up in the area, was completely consistent with Britain's Vietnam policy.All the Way with JFK? proves that the British could not think of a viable alternative to Kennedy's Vietnam policy that might have helped the US avoid the quagmire. Far from playing the role of peacemaker, Britain supported Kennnedy's policy of seeking a decisive military victory in Vietnam.

In the already vast literature on Churchill, no single work has focused on his changing attitude towards the Soviet Union. This is the first project to isolate just one major theme in Churchill's lifeExplores whether or not Churchill was consistent through forty years and examines the possibility that perceptions of domestic political advantage may have shaped his course more than high-monded and disinterested evaluations of evolving Soviet intentions and capabilitiesChurchill still arouses a great deal of general interest, and a work which challenges a number of preconceptions, as this book does, will undoubtedly appeal to the general readerA clearly argued, revisionist study of Churchill's views about and dealings with the Soviet Union. It will be part of the growing historical literature that seeks to reassess Churchill.

Examining the influential career of Winston Churchill, this new book discusses his career from Secretary of State for War and Air, to British Prime Minster during the Second World War and from 1951-55.

first detailed history of the UK Joint Intelligence Committee, a central player in the secret machinery of the British Government contains important disclosures on a range of issues, from the role played by the JIC in WWII, in the cold war and the Suez crisis based on unique access to all official archives and records will be of much interest to students of intelligence studies, British politics, cold war history, international relations and diplomacy