عاش الشعب العراقي خلال العقود الأخيرة حياة أبعد ما تكون عن الديمقراطية. فقد ارتُكِبت الكثير من الانتهاآات لحقوق الإنسان والتي آانت موجَّهة ضد مجموعات عرقية ودينية محددة. آما أن تأثيرات الحظ الاقتصادي والحربين اللتين خاضهما، الحرب الإيرانية-العراقية وحرب الخليج ،1991 قد ترآت الناس في حالة من الفقر والاعتماد الشديد على الدولة لتلبية متطلباتهم الأساسية. ومع اقتراب العراق من مرحلة انتقالية، يقدم هذا التقرير أول تحليل مفصَّل لخيارات العملية الدستورية و تأسيس ديمقراطية شاملة في عراق ما بعد الديكتاتورية. يتناول هذا التقرير دراسة الحاجة لترسيخ الخصائص التي تُعتَبر أساسية في مجتمع ديمقراطي حقيقي، و يشمل ذلك التمثيل النزيه للشعب و التعاون بين فئات المجتمع و دور القانون و احترام حقوق الإنسان. آما يتناول التقرير بشكل خاص تحليل الخطر الذي يفرضه آل من النزاع العراقي و الطائفي المتبادل و الإجراء اللازم لمحاولة تجنب هذه النزاعات. وليست المجموعة الدولية لحقوق الأقليات في موقع يُمَكِّنها من التأثير على شرعية استخدام القوة ضد العراق. لكن و مع ازدياد احتمال حدوث تغيير سياسي، يصبح من الضروري التفكير في اتخاذ الإجراءات لحماية حقوق الأقليات و تشجيع التنمية البشرية. و بالاعتماد على وجهات النظر التفصيلية لخبراء ذوي سمعة عالمية في قضايا منع الصراع و حقوق الإنسان و النزاع العرقي و في القانون الدستوري، يقدم هذا التقرير مجموعة من القواعد الأساسية لبناء ديمقراطية شاملة في العراق يكون أساسها حق الشعب العراقي في تقرير مصيره.

عاش الشعب العراقي خلال العقود الأخيرة حياة أبعد ما تكون عن الديمقراطية. فقد ارتُكِبت الكثير من الانتهاآات لحقوق الإنسان والتي آانت موجَّهة ضد مجموعات عرقية ودينية محددة. آما أن تأثيرات الحظ الاقتصادي والحربين اللتين خاضهما، الحرب الإيرانية-العراقية وحرب الخليج ،1991 قد ترآت الناس في حالة من الفقر والاعتماد الشديد على الدولة لتلبية متطلباتهم الأساسية. ومع اقتراب العراق من مرحلة انتقالية، يقدم هذا التقرير أول تحليل مفصَّل لخيارات العملية الدستورية و تأسيس ديمقراطية شاملة في عراق ما بعد الديكتاتورية. يتناول هذا التقرير دراسة الحاجة لترسيخ الخصائص التي تُعتَبر أساسية في مجتمع ديمقراطي حقيقي، و يشمل ذلك التمثيل النزيه للشعب و التعاون بين فئات المجتمع و دور القانون و احترام حقوق الإنسان. آما يتناول التقرير بشكل خاص تحليل الخطر الذي يفرضه آل من النزاع العراقي و الطائفي المتبادل و الإجراء اللازم لمحاولة تجنب هذه النزاعات. وليست المجموعة الدولية لحقوق الأقليات في موقع يُمَكِّنها من التأثير على شرعية استخدام القوة ضد العراق. لكن و مع ازدياد احتمال حدوث تغيير سياسي، يصبح من الضروري التفكير في اتخاذ الإجراءات لحماية حقوق الأقليات و تشجيع التنمية البشرية. و بالاعتماد على وجهات النظر التفصيلية لخبراء ذوي سمعة عالمية في قضايا منع الصراع و حقوق الإنسان و النزاع العرقي و في القانون الدستوري، يقدم هذا التقرير مجموعة من القواعد الأساسية لبناء ديمقراطية شاملة في العراق يكون أساسها حق الشعب العراقي في تقرير مصيره.

The Educ. Program at the U.S. Inst. of Peace (USIP) is involved in a project to help rehabilitate the Iraqi higher educ. system and to introduce courses and materials in conflict resolution and peace educ. into univ. curricula throughout the country. The USIP has organized conferences and workshops with academics from Iraqi univ. and administrators from the Ministry of Higher Educ. and Scientific Research. The USIP is helping Iraqi univ. play a civil role in their communities by providing univ.-centered projects of public educ. on Iraq¿s constitution, good governance, the rule of law, and democracy. This report is part of the USIP¿s effort to suggest ways to involve the Iraqi higher educ. system in building and promoting democratic governance in Iraq.

Since 2004, the Department of State (DoS) and U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) have obligated more than $1.9 billion for democracy-building programs in Iraq. Public Law 110-28 requires the Secretary of State to provide the Senate and House Committees on Appropriations a comprehensive, long-term strategy, with goals and expected results, for strengthening and advancing democracy in Iraq. 1 In July 2007, the DoS and USAID issued an overall strategy for democracy and governance in Iraq for 2007 through 2010. The overall goal is for Iraqi citizens, civil society, and democratic institutions to work cooperatively to reduce violence and build a sustainable, accountable, and responsive system of governance. To help achieve this goal, the strategy contains the following strategic objectives: (1) institutionalize democratic political and legislative processes that resolve disputes peacefully; (2) improve the capacity and accountability at all levels of government; and (3) foster the environment for and development of Iraqi's civil society and media to operate independently, freely, and effectively to promote democracy, transparency, tolerance, and respect for human rights. SIGIR's review of prior Government Accountability Office (GAO) reports showed that GAO has identified six characteristics of an effective national strategy that offer policymakers and implementing agencies a management tool to help ensure accountability and more effective results. GAO identified these six desirable characteristics based on their underlying support in legislative or executive guidance and the frequency with which they were cited in other sources.

This book proposes a significant reassessment of the history of Iraq, documenting democratic experiences from ancient Mesopotamia through to the US occupation. Such an analysis takes to task claims that the 'West' has a uniquely democratic history and a responsibility to spread democracy across the world. It also reveals that Iraq has a democratic history all of its own, from ancient Middle Eastern assemblies and classical Islamic theology and philosophy, through to the myriad political parties, newspapers and protest movements of more recent times. This book argues that the democratic history of Iraq could serve as a powerful political and discursive tool where the Iraqi people may come to feel a sense of ownership over democracy and take pride in endorsing it. This could go a long way towards mitigating the current conflicts across the nation and in stabilizing and legitimating its troubled democracy. Taking an interdisciplinary approach and referring to some of the most influential critical theorists to question ideological assumptions about democracy and its history, this book is useful to those interested in political and legal history, human rights and democracy.

What do we owe Iraq? America is up to its neck in nation building--but the public debate, focused on getting the troops home, devotes little attention to why we are building a new Iraqi nation, what success would look like, or what principles should guide us. What We Owe Iraq sets out to shift the terms of the debate, acknowledging that we are nation building to protect ourselves while demanding that we put the interests of the people being governed--whether in Iraq, Afghanistan, Kosovo, or elsewhere--ahead of our own when we exercise power over them. Noah Feldman argues that to prevent nation building from turning into a paternalistic, colonialist charade, we urgently need a new, humbler approach. Nation builders should focus on providing security, without arrogantly claiming any special expertise in how successful nation-states should be made. Drawing on his personal experiences in Iraq as a constitutional adviser, Feldman offers enduring insights into the power dynamics between the American occupiers and the Iraqis, and tackles issues such as Iraqi elections, the prospect of successful democratization, and the way home. Elections do not end the occupier's responsibility. Unless asked to leave, we must resist the temptation of a military pullout before a legitimately elected government can maintain order and govern effectively. But elections that create a legitimate democracy are also the only way a nation builder can put itself out of business and--eventually--send its troops home. Feldman's new afterword brings the Iraq story up-to-date since the book's original publication in 2004, and asks whether the United States has acted ethically in pushing the political process in Iraq while failing to control the security situation; it also revisits the question of when, and how, to withdraw.

Involved for over thirty years in the politics of Iraq, Ali A. Allawi was a long-time opposition leader against the Baathist regime. In the post-Saddam years he has held important government positions and participated in crucial national decisions and events. In this book, the former Minister of Defense and Finance draws on his unique personal experience, extensive relationships with members of the main political groups and parties in Iraq, and deep understanding of the history and society of his country to answer the baffling questions that persist about its current crises. What really led the United States to invade Iraq, and why have events failed to unfold as planned? The Occupation of Iraq examines what the United States did and didn't know at the time of the invasion, the reasons for the confused and contradictory policies that were enacted, and the emergence of the Iraqi political class during the difficult transition process. The book tracks the growth of the insurgency and illuminates the complex relationships among Sunnis, Shias, and Kurds. Bringing the discussion forward to the reconfiguration of political forces in 2006, Allawi provides in these pages the clearest view to date of the modern history of Iraq and the invasion that changed its course in unpredicted ways.

Scientific Essay from the year 2017 in the subject Politics - Region: Near East, Near Orient, , course: American Studies, language: English, abstract: The supercilious idea of the United States that, by toppling Saddam Hussein, can rapidly democratize Iraq and unleash a democratic tsunami in the Middle East, has metamorphosed into an apocalypse that swept the core nations of the region. Chaos and destruction became the “manifest destiny” of these peoples and democracy became a dangerous fantasy. The United States' record of building democracy after invading other countries is mixed at best and the Bush administration’s commitment to state-building efforts in Iraq is doubtful. The United States have failed at developing democracy in the Middle East – which has led to increased instability and anarchy – because U.S. foreign policy has misunderstood the formula for building democracy in the region. The United States is just the latest Western nation to fail in the Middle East. The repercussions of a miscalculated intervention in Iraq were likely to complicate the spread of democracy in the Middle East rather than to promote it. Instead of developing democratic governments in the region the US intervention paved the way for the emergence of more oppressive radical groups that hijacked the reins of power from the legitimate governments and anguished peoples’ lives through acts of terror and bullying. The new paradox that Bush’s neoconservative government created in Iraq and the Middle East has turned a lofty project of democratization into a disaster of destruction. While ISIL (Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant) has seized core leadership positions in Syria, Iraq and other places, it is putting in practice the larger tripartite plan of the disintegration of the Middle East. In the process of establishing the Islamic Caliphate, ISIL is sowing the seeds of its own destruction as the U.S. contemplates increased military action in the Middle East, specifically authorization of military force in Syria. However, if the US desires to preserve American preferential treatment in the region it should reconsider the policies that created so much anarchy.

Shining a light on how Iraqi Kurds used the aftermath of the 1991 Kurdish uprising to hold elections and form a parliament, and on how Kurdish officials later consolidated their regional government following the 2003 Iraq War, this book considers the political and economic shortfalls of the government and the obstacles facing Iraqi Kurds.