On August 26, 2011, a suicide bomber drove a vehicle-borne improvised explosive device (VBIED) into the United Nations (U.N.) headquarters in Abuja, Nigeria, killing 23 people and injuring more than 80 others.1 Responsibility for the bombing, one of the deadliest in the United Nations' history, was claimed by Boko Haram, an Islamist religious sect turned insurgent group based in the predominantly Muslim northern Nigeria. While this attack occurred inside Nigerian borders, it was the first time Boko Haram had targeted an international, non-Nigerian entity.

Two years on from the bloody and destructive suicide attack on a United Nations (U.N.) facility in Abuja, Nigeria, the Nigerian terrorist organisation Boko Haram continues to pose a threat to both the United States and our allies. Since that attack, Boko Haram has received increased international attention, has carried out near-daily attacks throughout much of Nigeria, and has taken part in operations in other parts of West Africa. They remain a lethal and growing threat to the people of Nigeria, the international community, Americans in the region, and potentially the United States Homeland. This book discusses Boko Haram's growing and emerging threat to the U.S. Homeland and provides statements from a hearing on Boko Haram: emerging threat to the U.S. homeland.

Two years on from the bloody and destructive suicide attack on a United Nations (U.N.) facility in Abuja, Nigeria, the Nigerian terrorist organization Boko Haram continues to pose a threat to both the United States and our allies. Since that attack, Boko Haram has received increased international attention, has carried out near-daily attacks throughout much of Nigeria, and has taken part in operations in other parts of West Africa. They remain a lethal and growing threat to the people of Nigeria, the international community, Americans in the region, and potentially the United States Homeland. As on August 26, 2011, there is much we still do not know about Boko Haram or their splinter group Ansaru, which emerged in 2012. The exact details of their operations, size, and structure remain a mystery, and a solution to the defeating them remains elusive. Yet, despite these persistent gaps, this Committee has come to learn a great deal about Boko Haram, their goals, resources, and allies, and has identified steps the United States can take to address this threat. On November 30, 2011, the Committee on Homeland Security Subcommittee on Counterterrorism and Intelligence released a report entitled, "Boko Haram - Emerging Threat to the U.S. Homeland," which detailed the history of, and danger posed by, Boko Haram. On the same day, the Subcommittee also held a hearing to examine the threat of Boko Haram and of terrorists across the Sahel region of West Africa. Members of this Committee, including then-Subcommittee Chairman Patrick Meehan and Full Committee Chairman Peter King, have written several times to the Department of State urging the Secretary to designate Boko Haram a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO). On May 17, 2012, Congressman Meehan also introduced the "Boko Haram Terrorist Designation Act of 2012," a version of which became law as an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2013. Each of these efforts has been designed to raise awareness of the threat Boko Haram poses to the United States, and provide solutions to the increasingly grave challenges we face in Nigeria and throughout western Africa. This report - a follow up to "Boko Haram - Emerging Threat to the U.S. Homeland," - provides even greater detail on the evolution of Boko Haram into an increasingly sophisticated ally of al Qaeda; elaborates courses of action open to the United States and our partners; and makes the case for Boko Haram to be listed as an FTO. In a diversified threat environment where multiple al Qaeda affiliates and allies (as well as other terror networks) are taking advantage of security deficiencies throughout the Middle East and Africa, it is vital that we anticipate and address all emerging terror threats, before they reach the United States. This includes lethal networks that fall outside of our historical notion of al Qaeda affiliates.

This book is the first attempt to understand Boko Haram in a comprehensive and consistent way. It examines the early history of the sect and its transformation into a radical armed group. It analyses the causes of the uprising against the Nigerian state and evaluates the consequences of the on-going conflict from a religious, social and political point of view. The book gives priority to authors conducting fieldwork in Nigeria and tackles the following issues: the extent to which Boko Haram can be considered the product of deprivation and marginalisation; the relationship of the sect with almajirai, Islamic schools, Sufi brotherhoods, Izala, and Christian churches; the role of security forces and political parties in the radicalisation of the sect; the competing discourses in international and domestic media coverage of the crisis; and the consequences of the militarisation of the conflict for the Nigerian government and the civilian population, Christian and Muslim. About the Editor: Marc-Antoine Perouse de Montclos is a Doctor in Political Science and a Professor at the French Institute of Geopolitics in the University of Paris 8. A specialist on armed conflicts in Africa south of the Sahara, he graduated from the Institut d'etudes politiques de Paris (IEP), where he teaches, and is a researcher at the Institut de recherche pour le developpement (IRD). He lived for several years in Nigeria, South Africa and Kenya. He has published some eighty articles and books, including Le Nigeria (1994), Violence et securite urbaines (1997), L'aide humanitaire, aide a la guerre? (2001), Villes et violences en Afrique subsaharienne (2002), Diaspora et terrorisme (2003), Guerres d'aujourd'hui (2007), Etats faibles et securite privee en Afrique noire (2008), Les humanitaires dans la guerre (2013), and La tragedie malienne (2013). Reviews For scholars, government officials, journalists, and civic actors, this book expands our understanding of this enigmatic jihadist movement, its genesis, evolution, and political implications. In light of the global significance of militant Islam, the book is indispensable for students of Nigeria, Africa, Muslim societies, and armed conflicts.-Richard Joseph, John Evans Professor of International History and Politics, Northwestern University This collection of essays on Boko Haram is much the best yet-well informed, coolly competent. With the insurgency still evolving, we really need this guide to its early days.-Murray Last, Emeritus Professor of Anthropology, University College of London This valuable collection assembles notable experts who analyze the messages and behavior of Boko Haram. The collection also provides nuanced treatments of actors involved in the conflict, including the Nigerian state and Nigerian Christians.-Alex Thurston, Visiting Assistant Professor, African Studies Program, Georgetown University

Examining major terrorist acts and campaigns undertaken in the decade following September 11, 2001, internationally recognized scholars study the involvement of global terrorist leaders and organizations in these incidents and the planning, organization, execution, recruitment, and training that went into them. Their work captures the changing character of al-Qaeda and its affiliates since the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq and the sophisticated elements that, despite the West's best counterterrorism efforts, continue to exert substantial direction over jihadist terrorist operations. Through case studies of terrorist acts and offensives occurring both in and outside the West, the volume's contributors investigate al-Qaeda and other related entities as they adapted to the strategies of Operation Enduring Freedom and subsequent U.S.-led global counterterrorism programs. They explore whether Osama bin Laden was indeed reduced to a mere figurehead before his death or continued to influence al-Qaeda's global activities. Did al-Qaeda become a loose collection of individuals and ideas following its expulsion from Afghanistan, or was it reborn as a transnational terrorist structure powered by a well-articulated ideology? What is the preeminent terrorist threat we face today, and what will it look like in the future? This anthology pinpoints the critical patterns and strategies that will inform counterterrorism in the coming decades.

The primary objective of this book is to understand the nature of the Boko Haram insurgency in northeast Nigeria. Boko Haram’s goal of an Islamic Caliphate, starting in the Borno State in the North East that will eventually cover the areas of the former Kanem-Borno Empire, is a rejection of the modern state system forced on it by the West. The central theme of this volume examines the relationship between the failure of the state-building project in Nigeria and the outbreak and nature of insurgency. At the heart of the Boko Haram phenomenon is a country racked with cleavages, making it hard for Nigeria to cohere as a modern state. Part I introduces this theme and places the Boko Haram insurgency in a historical context. There are, however, multiple cleavages in Nigeria ̶ ethnic, regional, cultural, and religious ̶ and Part II examines the different state-society dynamics fuelling the conflict. Political grievances are common to every society; however, what gives Boko Haram the space to express such grievances through violence? Importantly, this volume demonstrates that the insurgency is, in fact, a reflection of the hollowness within Nigeria’s overall security. Part III looks at the responses to Boko Haram by Nigeria, neighbouring states, and external actors. For Western actors, Boko Haram is seen as part of the "global war on terror" and the fact that it has pledged allegiance to ISIS encourages this framing. However, as the chapters here discuss, this is an over-simplification of Boko Haram and the West needs to address the multiple dimension of Boko Haram. This book will be of much interest to students of terrorism and political violence, insurgencies, African politics, war and conflict studies, and IR in general.

On August 26, 2011, a suicide bomber drove a vehicle borne improvised explosive device (VBIED) into the United Nations (U.N.) headquarters in Abuja, Nigeria, killing 23 people and injuring more than 80 others Responsibility for the bombing, one of the deadliest in the United Nations' history, was claimed by Boko Haram, an Islamist religious sect turned insurgent group based in the predominantly Muslim northern Nigeria. While this attack occurred inside Nigerian borders, it was the first time Boko Haram had targeted an international, non-Nigerian entity. The attack marked a significant shift in the targeting and goals of the group, largely unknown to the U.S. Intelligence Community, and capped off an evolution in the capabilities of Boko Haram, beginning in the mid-2000s, from attacks with poisoned arrows and machetes to sophisticated car bombings. In a video that surfaced in Nigeria in the weeks following the U.N. bombing, the perpetrator of the attack described the U.N. as a forum for "all global evil" and stated the attacks were designed to "send a message to the U.S. President and 'other infidels.'" According to Ambassador Anthony Holmes, Deputy to the Commander for Civil- Military Activities (DCMA) of United States Africa Command (AFRICOM), members of Boko Haram are being trained by Al Qaeda in the Lands of the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). They are also believed to have ties to the Somalian militant group al Shabaab. This cooperation, combined with the increased sophistication of attacks executed by Boko Haram, have led to concerns from the U.S. Intelligence Community over the sect's intent and capability to strike Western targets in Nigeria, throughout Africa, and most importantly, the U.S. Homeland. Historically, Boko Haram has been focused on Nigerian government targets. Until recently, Western intelligence services did not widely view Boko Haram as a potential threat. Even after the U.N. attack, Nigerian experts remain skeptical about Boko Haram's intent and capability to strike U.S. interests and the homeland.

Concise account of a growing Islamist threat, which is active across West Africa

The political economy problems of Nigeria, the root cause for ethnic, religious, political and economic strife, can be in part addressed indirectly through focused contributions by the U.S. military, especially if regionally aligned units are more thoroughly employed.