This volume collects 556 of Disraeli's letters from a tumultuous period in European history – years that witnessed the Italian revolution, the Polish revolt against Russia, anxiety about Napoleon III's intentions in Europe, and the American Civil War.

In February 1868 Benjamin Disraeli became the fortieth prime minister of Great Britain. The tenth volume of theBenjamin Disraeli Letters series is devoted exclusively to Disraeli's copious correspondence during that momentous year. The volume contains 648 of Disraeli's letters, 510 of them never before published and all copiously annotated – often with the other side of the correspondence included. This volume constitutes a unique record of Disraeli's rise to power and of the inner workings of the Victorian political scene, all of it recorded in intimate detail. A vast project which theTimes Literary Supplement has called “a monument to scholarship,” the Benjamin Disraeli Letters volumes are an essential resource for the study of nineteenth-century politics, history, literature, and the arts.

Part of the critically acclaimed Letters of Benjamin Disraeli series. This volume contains or describes letters written by Disraeli between 1848 and 1851.

In February 1868 Benjamin Disraeli became the fortieth prime minister of Great Britain. The tenth volume of theBenjamin Disraeli Letters series is devoted exclusively to Disraeli's copious correspondence during that momentous year. The volume contains 648 of Disraeli's letters, 510 of them never before published and all copiously annotated – often with the other side of the correspondence included. This volume constitutes a unique record of Disraeli's rise to power and of the inner workings of the Victorian political scene, all of it recorded in intimate detail. A vast project which theTimes Literary Supplement has called “a monument to scholarship,” the Benjamin Disraeli Letters volumes are an essential resource for the study of nineteenth-century politics, history, literature, and the arts.

The latest volume in the critically acclaimed Letters of Benjamin Disraeli series contains or describes 952 letters (778 perviously unpublished) written by Disraeli between 1852 and 1856.

When we think of Benjamin Disraeli (1804–81), one of two images inevitably first springs to mind: either Disraeli the two-time prime minister of Britain, or Disraeli the author of major novels such as Coningsby, Sybil, and Endymion. But were these two sides of his persona entirely separate? After all, the recurring fantasy structures in Disraeli’s fictions bear a striking similarity to the imaginative ways in which he shaped his political career. Disraeli: The Romance of Politics provides a remarkable biographical portrait of Disraeli as both a statesman and a storyteller. Drawing extensively on Disraeli’s published letters and speeches, as well as on archival sources in the United Kingdom, Robert O’Kell illuminates the intimate, symbiotic relationship between his fiction and his politics. His investigation shines new light on all of Disraeli’s novels, his two governments, his imperialism, and his handling of the Irish Church Disestablishment Crisis of 1868 and the Eastern Question in the 1870s.

The private letters of a statesman are always inviting material for historians and when he has claim to literary fame as well the correspondence assumes a double significance. Benjamin Disraeli (1804-1881) belonged to an age that gave pride of place to the written word as an instrument of both business and pleasure. This volume includes 363 letters (many previously unpublished) from his school boy days to his establishment in the Tory camp under the patronage of Lord Lyndhurst. Most prominent are Disraeli's letters to his sister, Sarah, with whom he corresponded frequently over several decades. To her he confided his hopes, interspersed with his observations and descriptions of social, literary and political events. The letters to Sarah supply a skeleton around which Disraeli's young manhood can be reconstructed and shed valuable light on the remaining documents in the volume. The correspondence also includes accounts of his tour of the Low Countries and the Rhine in 1824, his adventurous trip to Spain, Greece, the Near East and Egypt in 1830, his tense negotiations with publishers and his campaign to shine as a member of aristocratic society and win political patronage. The letters demonstrate the fine eye for detail and the capacity for self-dramatization and literary conceits which mark his novels. With their annotations they also provide a remarkably detailed account of life in the upper reaches of English society as viewed from below, and of Disraeli's ambitions to enter that life.

The 334 letters in this volume cover the period from Disraeli's establishment in the Tory camp under the patronage of Lord Lyndhurst to his election to parliament in 1837. The most important issue to which they speak is the course of Disraeli's political ambitions. In 1835 the road to parliament was not yet clear, for he continued to be haunted by troubles from his past. He was beset by charges of opportunism in his Taunton campaign of 1835, and the longest letters here are those to Edwards Beadon written in justification of past conduct; Disraeli had still to learn the truth of his later dictum, 'never explain.' Also, debts contracted many years before continued to plague him, as they would in years to come. He was tempted by a variety of money-making schemes and the later correspondence makes clear just how close he came to permanent ruin at the hands of his creditors in the spring of 1837. Had the fate of debtors' prison materialized it is doubtful that he would ever have been eligible, in law or in reputation, for a parliamentary career. Disraeli's eventual election for Maidstone in the summer of 1837 marked the emergence of his formal public role. Because he set out early and was a long time in attaining his goals, one is tempted to laud his patience. But the record here suggests that it was instead a matter of energy and endurance. This volume of the Letters brings Disraeli to the threshold of the Victorian era and the beginning of his career as a politician. In late 1837 he failed in his maiden speech, but all major successes lay ahead.

An account of Disraeli's personal and public lives which draws on his letters and his neglected early novels. It tells of his youth in Bloomsbury, and his novel "Vivian Grey" which catapulted him to precocious fame and infamy.

Lauded as a “great Jew,” excoriated by antisemites, and one of Britain’s most renowned prime ministers, Benjamin Disraeli has been widely celebrated for his role in Jewish history. But is the perception of him as a Jewish hero accurate? In what ways did he contribute to Jewish causes? In this groundbreaking, lucid investigation of Disraeli’s life and accomplishments, David Cesarani draws a new portrait of one of Europe’s leading nineteenth-century statesmen, a complicated, driven, opportunistic man. While acknowledging that Disraeli never denied his Jewish lineage, boasted of Jewish achievements, and argued for Jewish civil rights while serving as MP, Cesarani challenges the assumption that Disraeli truly cared about Jewish issues. Instead, his driving personal ambition required him to confront his Jewishness at the same time as he acted opportunistically. By creating a myth of aristocratic Jewish origins for himself, and by arguing that Jews were a superior race, Disraeli boosted his own career but also contributed to the consolidation of some of the most fundamental stereotypes of modern antisemitism.