Seminar paper from the year 2016 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Topic: Peace and Conflict Studies, Security, grade: A-, University of Baltimore, language: English, abstract: The study detailed in this paper digs into the assimilative language policy of Ethiopia and how this language policy is fueling ethnic tensions. The paper elaborates specifically on the Oromo language, hereafter Afaan Oromo, and how the speakers of the language are marginalized so as to be included into the Ethiopian identity, an identity believed to be of civilization, through assimilative language policy. This assimilation countered pluralism or diversity in a brutal way in order to homogenize the diverse Ethiopian population - particularly the largest Ethnic group, the Oromo - into the Ethiopian identity or Ethiopianism. As the Ethiopian identity, an identity emanating from and of the ruling class, the Amhara population and the Amharic language, it was a solid state-building instrument with the power of creating belonging and loyalty to the state. Although this policy of assimilation was seemingly countered by the communist regime soon after the communists came to power in 1974, in essence the communist policy did not deter from the predecessor's language policy of centralization. The centralization process through the Ethiopian identity-making via language suppression and depriving one of one's identity seemed to come to an end, once again, in 1991 with the fall of the communist regime and the end of singularity, which is the idea of one nation with one language. Although pluralism is growing, still ethnic tensions are high and accompanied by vast grievances about the past and about how the current regime handles ethnic tensions, language issues especially. The example of Afaan Oromo, a predominately spoken language in Ethiopia, is pertinent, as speakers of the language are deprived of job placement in the federal government and systemic means of marginalizing the lan

The book examines, compares, and contrasts the African American and Oromo movements by locating them in the global context, and by showing how life chances changed for the two peoples and their descendants as the modern world system became more complex and developed. Since the same global system that created racialized and exploitative structures in African American and Oromo societies also facilitated the struggles of these two peoples, this book demonstrates the dynamic interplay between social structures and human agencies in the system. African Americans in the United States of America and Oromos in the Ethiopian Empire developed their respective liberation movements in opposition to racial/ethnonational oppression, cultural and colonial domination, exploitation, and underdevelopment. By going beyond its focal point, the book also explores the structural limit of nationalism, and the potential of revolutionary nationalism in promoting a genuine multicultural democracy.

Meticulous renderings depict 9 dolls and 46 authentic costumes, including work clothes, winter wear, wedding outfits, more. Broad-brimmed, elaborately decorated hats and leg o' mutton sleeves for the women, derbies, walking canes, starched collars for the men. Descriptive notes.

Bringing together scholars from a wide array of disciplines - including anthropology, economics, history, sociology, and political science - this volume addresses the problems of the regime change and state failure in Africa in the context of the global economy, but from a specifically African perspective, arguing that the underdevelopment of the African economy is linked to the underdevelopment of the continents' nation states.

Academic Paper from the year 2019 in the subject Speech Science / Linguistics, , language: English, abstract: This work has attempted to give an overview of how the language policy of the different regimes in Ethiopia has contributed to the sense of national identity. Although language is not the only factor that consolidates or weakens national identity, it plays a significant role. It is with this mine that the book is written. Different language-related policies and documents of the imperial, military and EPRDF regimes were closely investigated. Sections and statements in the policy pertaining to language use were considered as units of analysis. Furthermore, empirical and theoretical literature written in areas of language policy and national identity were consulted. The autoher also included his personal experiences as a university instructor and informal meetings held with people in different walks of life. The evidence obtained from the sources mentioned above reflects that the language policy used in Ethiopia is highly polarized: ranging from one language to all to no language to all. That is, the regimes before EPRDF dictate one language to be used as a tool of communication to all Ethiopians. On the other hand, the EPRDF regime emphasized local language and culture without (practically) giving any room for national communication. Both approaches contribute little to national identity formation. This book recommends that Ethiopians need to learn from other multilingual countries about language planning. Ethnocentric thinking that assumes one’s own language as superior to the other’s language should be avoided. Politicians also need to abstain from politicizing language (identity) and using it as a means of mobilizing support. This book recommends that bilingual/ multilingual education contributes a lot to Ethiopian national identity formation.

Focusing on the issue of the Oromo national struggle for liberation, statehood, and democracy, this book critically examines the dialectical relationship between Ethiopian colonialism and Oromo culture, epistemology, politics, and ideology in the context of the accumulated collective grievances of the Oromo nation. Specifically, the book identifies chains of sociological and historical factors that facilitated the development of Oromummaa (Oromo nationalism) and the Oromo national movement. It demonstrates how the Oromo national movement has been challenging and transforming Ethiopian imperial politics, tracks the different forms and phases of the movement, and maps out its future direction. Currently, the Oromo are the largest ethno-national group and political minority in the Ethiopian Empire. They were colonized and incorporated into Ethiopia as colonial subjects in the last decades of the 19th century through the alliance of Abyssinian/Ethiopian colonialism and European imperialism. Since their colonization, the Oromo people have been treated as second-class citizens and have been economically exploited and culturally and politically suppressed. Despite the fact that Oromo resistance to Ethiopian colonialism existed during the process of their colonization and subjugation, it was only in the 1960s and 1970s that Oromo nationalists initiated organized efforts to liberate their people. Presently, Oromo nationalism plays a central role in Ethiopian politics.

Has supplements.

When considering strategies to address violent conflict, scholars and policymakers debate the wisdom of recognizing versus avoiding reference to ethnic identities in government institutions. In Diversity, Violence, and Recognition, Elisabeth King and Cyrus Samii examine the reasons that governments choose to recognize ethnic identities and the consequences of such choices for peace. The authors introduce a theory on the merits and risks of recognizing ethnic groups in state institutions, pointing to the crucial role of ethnic demographics. Through a global quantitative analysis and in-depth case studies of Burundi, Rwanda, and Ethiopia, they find promise in recognition. Countries that adopt recognition go on to experience less violence, more economic vitality, and more democratic politics, but these effects depend on which ethnic group is in power. King and Samii's findings are important for scholars studying peace, democracy, and development, and practically relevant to policymakers attempting to make these concepts a reality.