This book provides the first comprehensive treatment of US sanctions policy in the Asia-Pacific. Using the Bill Clinton and George W. Bush presidencies as a basis for comparison, it examines nine prominent episodes involving the US use of sanctions toward countries in this economically and strategically vital part of the world.

The global implications of China's rise as a global actor In 2005, a senior official in the George W. Bush administration expressed the hope that China would emerge as a “responsible stakeholder” on the world stage. A dozen years later, the Trump administration dramatically shifted course, instead calling China a “strategic competitor” whose actions routinely threaten U.S. interests. Both assessments reflected an underlying truth: China is no longer just a “rising” power. It has emerged as a truly global actor, both economically and militarily. Every day its actions affect nearly every region and every major issue, from climate change to trade, from conflict in troubled lands to competition over rules that will govern the uses of emerging technologies. To better address the implications of China's new status, both for American policy and for the broader international order, Brookings scholars conducted research over the past two years, culminating in a project: Global China: Assessing China's Growing Role in the World. The project is intended to furnish policy makers and the public with hard facts and deep insights for understanding China's regional and global ambitions. The initiative draws not only on Brookings's deep bench of China and East Asia experts, but also on the tremendous breadth of the institution's security, strategy, regional studies, technological, and economic development experts. Areas of focus include the evolution of China's domestic institutions; great power relations; the emergence of critical technologies; Asian security; China's influence in key regions beyond Asia; and China's impact on global governance and norms. Global China: Assessing China's Growing Role in the World provides the most current, broad-scope, and fact-based assessment of the implications of China's rise for the United States and the rest of the world.

This important report was issued by the Department of Defense in June 2019. The Indo-Pacific is the Department of Defense's priority theater. The United States is a Pacific nation; we are linked to our Indo-Pacific neighbors through unbreakable bonds of shared history, culture, commerce, and values. We have an enduring commitment to uphold a free and open Indo-Pacific in which all nations, large and small, are secure in their sovereignty and able to pursue economic growth consistent with accepted international rules, norms, and principles of fair competition. The continuity of our shared strategic vision is uninterrupted despite an increasingly complex security environment. Inter-state strategic competition, defined by geopolitical rivalry between free and repressive world order visions, is the primary concern for U.S. national security. In particular, the People's Republic of China, under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, seeks to reorder the region to its advantage by leveraging military modernization, influence operations, and predatory economics to coerce other nations. In contrast, the Department of Defense supports choices that promote long-term peace and prosperity for all in the Indo-Pacific. We will not accept policies or actions that threaten or undermine the rules-based international order - an order that benefits all nations. We are committed to defending and enhancing these shared values.China's economic, political, and military rise is one of the defining elements of the 21st century. Today, the Indo-Pacific increasingly is confronted with a more confident and assertive China that is willing to accept friction in the pursuit of a more expansive set of political, economic, and security interests. Perhaps no country has benefited more from the free and open regional and international system than China, which has witnessed the rise of hundreds of millions from poverty to growing prosperity and security. Yet while the Chinese people aspire to free markets, justice, and the rule of law, the People's Republic of China (PRC), under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), undermines the international system from within by exploiting its benefits while simultaneously eroding the values and principles of the rules-based order.This compilation includes a reproduction of the 2019 Worldwide Threat Assessment of the U.S. Intelligence Community. 1. Introduction * 1.1. America's Historic Ties to the Indo-Pacific * 1.2. Vision and Principles for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific * 2. Indo-Pacific Strategic Landscape: Trends and Challenges * 2.1. The People's Republic of China as a Revisionist Power * 2.2. Russia as a Revitalized Malign Actor * 2.3. The Democratic People's Republic of Korea as a Rogue State * 2.4. Prevalence of Transnational Challenges * 3. U.S. National Interests and Defense Strategy * 3.1. U.S. National Interests * 3.2. U.S. National Defense Strategy * 4. Sustaining U.S. Influence to Achieve Regional Objectives * 4.1. Line of Effort 1: Preparedness * 4.2. Line of Effort 2: Partnerships * 4.3. Line of Effort 3: Promoting a Networked Region * Conclusion

The Asia Pacific region is a dynamic but complex area where much of the history of the 21st Century will be scripted. Although the strategic and economic importance of the region continues to grow, challenges of reconciling national interests with regional and global interests continue. Security architectures during the Cold War were based primarily on military alliances. However the need today is to base these architectures on shared values, interests and challenges. We need not only define but believe in these universal values. This book brings out this important aspect of this region and explains them briefly.

Contributors Lieutenant General PK Singh, PVSM, AVSM (Retd) Director USI Ambassador Kanwal Sibal, IFS (Retd) Former Foreign Secretary Shri Asoke Kumar Mukerji, Special Secretary, UN Headquarters Dr. Daesung Song (ROK) Major General YK Gera (Retd) Mr TC Venkat Subramanian, Ex CMD Exim Bank India Ms Tsun-Tzu Hsu (Taiwan) Cmde Ranjit B. Rai (Retd) Vice Admiral PS Das, PVSM, AVSM, VSM (Retd) Dr. Annika Bolten-Drutschmann, (Germany) Vice Admiral Arun Kumar Singh, PVSM, AVSM, NM (Retd) Sr Col Le Kim Dung (Vietnam) Mr. Ivan Safranchuk (Russia) Major General Dato' Pahlawan Dr. William R. Stevenson (Malaysia) Prof. Richard Rigby, Australia Dr. Brendan Taylor, Australia Prof. Swaran Singh, JNU Sr. Col (Ms) Do Mai Khanh, (Vietnam) Dr. Satoru Nagao, (Japan) Air Chief Marshal SP Tyagi, PVSM, AVSM, VM (Retd) Dr. Elichi Kathara (Japan) Major General BK Sharma, SM** (Retd) Dr. Tuan Yao Cheng (National Chenchi University)

Japan’s decision to attack the United States in 1941 is widely regarded as irrational to the point of suicidal. How could Japan hope to survive a war with, much less defeat, an enemy possessing an invulnerable homeland and an industrial base 10 times that of Japan? The Pacific War was one that Japan was always going to lose, so how does one explain Tokyo’s decision? Did the Japanese recognize the odds against them? Did they have a concept of victory, or at least of avoiding defeat? Or did the Japanese prefer a lost war to an unacceptable peace? Dr. Jeffrey Record takes a fresh look at Japan’s decision for war, and concludes that it was dictated by Japanese pride and the threatened economic destruction of Japan by the United States. He believes that Japanese aggression in East Asia was the root cause of the Pacific War, but argues that the road to war in 1941 was built on American as well as Japanese miscalculations and that both sides suffered from cultural ignorance and racial arrogance. Record finds that the Americans underestimated the role of fear and honor in Japanese calculations and overestimated the effectiveness of economic sanctions as a deterrent to war, whereas the Japanese underestimated the cohesion and resolve of an aroused American society and overestimated their own martial prowess as a means of defeating U.S. material superiority. He believes that the failure of deterrence was mutual, and that the descent of the United States and Japan into war contains lessons of great and continuing relevance to American foreign policy and defense decision-makers.

Russo-Ukrainian War: Implications for the Asia Pacific explores the implications of the Russo-Ukrainian war for American and Chinese engagement in the Asia Pacific. It interprets Russia's invasion of Ukraine which began on February 24, 2022 as part of a complex double game where the Kremlin and Washington simultaneously spar, bluffing for high stakes despite catastrophic risks in the name of lofty ideals, while pursuing expedient default agendas. Both sides champion virtuous global orders compatible with their tastes and objectives. Washington seeks to compel Moscow to abide by its rules and vice-versa.The immediate impact of the Russo-Ukrainian War on the Asia Pacific has been to confirm Chinese President Xi Jinping's perception that Washington is committed to low-cost, regime-changing Cold War with China to preserve its status as the world's preeminent superpower. Washington is willing to increase hard power defense spending modestly to tackle the Taiwan and South China Sea issues, but will not compete with China in an arms race, curtail productivity stifling government over-regulation and social spending or curb China's abusive state trading.Emboldened by what Washington considers America's successes in the Russo-Ukrainian proxy war, American President Joe Biden plans to reinforce military spending with attitude management campaigns, moral suasion and coalitions of the willing including the North Atlantic Treaty Organization — efforts to spark Chinese color revolution and regime change. Biden diplomatically calls his policy Cold Peace, but his actions bespeak Cold War.Amid the power contestation among the United States, Russia and China, it is naïve in the contemporary world to suppose that the three major powers can permanently subjugate each other. Wise leadership requires satisficing for the attainable good rather than striving for the delusional best.

"This collection of papers by leading scholars, business leaders, and government officials discusses recent developments in the global movements of people, goods, services, and information in the Asia-Pacific region. Such movements are both the cause and consequence of the latest round of globalization, a process of special significance to the Asia-Pacific region. The lead paper by Professor Yuan-Tseh Lee, Nobel Prize Winner in Chemistry and former President of Academia Sinica, offers a personal reflection on international education and the global flow of knowledge and talent. Another lead paper by Ambassador Alfonso Yuchengco, one of the region's most respected business leaders and diplomats, provides insights on transnational businesses and diplomacy, especially in the ASEAN Plus-Three context and China's re-emergence as a world power.Other papers present new theoretical, policy and empirical understanding of international migration, trade and investment movements, global logistics, and transnational flows of information technology and architectural influences. The papers were made possible by the International Scientific Meetings Grant of the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS), Ministry of Education, which encourages the involvement of young scholars in the wider dissemination of knowledge on issues of major scientific and practical importance to the international community." -- BOOK PUBLISHER WEBSITE.

This book is based on the proceedings of the National Security Seminar 2011 conducted at the USI from 17 to 18 Nov 2011. The views of eminent speakers from across the globe have been covered on the following themes:- • Strategic and Security Environment in the Asia Pacific Region • Existing Political and Economic Frameworks in the Asia Pacific: Have they fulfilled regional aspirations? • Bringing an Enduring Security Architecture for the Asia Pacific This book intends to examine the current state and possible future trajectory of efforts to create an Asia Pacific security architecture. The problems are challenging but not insurmountable. Efforts to build an appropriate security architecture would certainly be in the interest of the region.

This book brings together a unique team of academics and practitioners to analyse interests, institutions, and issues affecting and affected by the transition from Asia-Pacific to Indo-Pacific. The Indo-Pacific has emerged as the world’s economic and strategic centre of gravity, in which established and rising powers compete with each other. As a strategic space, the Indo-Pacific reflects the rise of geo-political and geo-economic designs and dynamics which have come to shape the region in the early twenty-first century. These new dynamics contrast with the (neo-)liberal ideas and the seemingly increasing globalisation for which the once dominant ‘Asia-Pacific’ regional label stood.