A quarterly on Palestinian affairs and the Arab-Israeli conflict.

Jerry Thigpen's study on the history of the Combat Talon is the first effort to tell the story of this wonderfully capable machine. This weapons system has performed virtually every imaginable tactical event in the spectrum of conflict and by any measure is the most versatile C-130 derivative ever produced. First modified and sent to Southeast Asia (SEA) in 1966 to replace theater unconventional warfare (UW) assets that were limited in both lift capability and speed the Talon I quickly adapted to theater UW tasking including infiltration and resupply and psychological warfare operations into North Vietnam. After spending four years in SEA and maturing into a highly respected UW weapons system the Joint Chief of Staff (JCS) chose the Combat Talon to lead the night low-level raid on the North Vietnamese prison camp at Son Tay. Despite the outcome of the operation the Talon I cemented its reputation as the weapons system of choice for long-range clandestine operations. In the period following the Vietnam War United States Air Force (USAF) special operations gradually lost its political and financial support which was graphically demonstrated in the failed Desert One mission into Iran. Thanks to congressional supporters like Earl Hutto of Florida and Dan Daniel of Virginia funds for aircraft upgrades and military construction projects materialized to meet the ever-increasing threat to our nation. Under the leadership of such committed hard-driven officers as Brenci Uttaro Ferkes Meller and Thigpen the crew force became the most disciplined in our Air Force. It was capable of penetrating hostile airspace at night in a low-level mountainous environment covertly to execute any number of unconventional warfare missions.

The second half of the 20th century featured a strategic competition between the United States and the Soviet Union. That competition avoided World War III in part because during the 1950s, scholars like Henry Kissinger, Thomas Schelling, Herman Kahn, and Albert Wohlstetter analyzed the fundamental nature of nuclear deterrence. Decades of arms control negotiations reinforced these early notions of stability and created a mutual understanding that allowed U.S.-Soviet competition to proceed without armed conflict. The first half of the 21st century will be dominated by the relationship between the United States and China. That relationship is likely to contain elements of both cooperation and competition. Territorial disputes such as those over Taiwan and the South China Sea will be an important feature of this competition, but both are traditional disputes, and traditional solutions suggest themselves. A more difficult set of issues relates to U.S.-Chinese competition and cooperation in three domains in which real strategic harm can be inflicted in the current era: nuclear, space, and cyber. Just as a clearer understanding of the fundamental principles of nuclear deterrence maintained adequate stability during the Cold War, a clearer understanding of the characteristics of these three domains can provide the underpinnings of strategic stability between the United States and China in the decades ahead. That is what this book is about.

This is the 42nd volume in the Occasional Paper series of the U.S. Air Force Institute for National Security Studies (INSS). This volume presents two important papers on United States military space. The first paper, "What is Spacepower and Does It Constitute a Revolution in Military Affairs?", examines the concept of "spacepower" as it is emerging within the U.S. military and business sectors to establish the basis for military space roles and implications. It also posits military-commercial sector linkages as the best near-term road map for future development. As commercial activities expand the importance of United States space, and as technological advances enable military missions, Hays sees expanded military roles, including space weaponization, on the horizon. He concludes that military space has already had a significant impact on the American way of war. That trend will only continue as the promise of a true space-led revolution in military affairs awaits eventual space weaponization. Given an increasingly important U.S. commercial and military presence in space, the second paper, "Space-Related Arms Control and Regulation to 2015: Precedents and Prospects," presents a detailed analysis of existing regulations and controls that constrain and shape military space use and development. It also presents a comprehensive examination of current and future issues that will define likely arenas of international efforts to further control military space. The United States must be very aware of the possible consequences for its overall commercial and military space efforts in addressing these issues. Finally, the paper suggests areas where some current regulatory emphasis could benefit the United States, indicating areas for current policy emphasis. Together, the two papers provide a timely and important examination of the current state and the likely future of United States military space.

Looking deeply into the matter of strategic vulnerability, the authors address questions that this vulnerability poses: Do conditions exist for Sino-U.S. mutual deterrence in these realms? Might the two states agree on reciprocal restraint? What practical measures might build confidence in restraint? How would strategic restraint affect Sino-U.S. relations as well as security in and beyond East Asia?