Several years ago, freshly returned from a year in Stockholm but deeply en meshed in the American Malaise of the late 1960's, I sketched out an image of Swedish policy-making that defined a generalized policy-making role and sought to relate that role to both citizen attitudes and the elite political culture 1 in Sweden. Although that sketch seems to have been taken seriously by other foreigners, I think it is fair to say that the principal reaction of my Swedish friends and colleagues was amusement. When I later (1970-71) returned for another year in Stockholm, I found myself being introduced at parties as the man who had written ''that marvelously out-of-date sketch of how Swedish politics used to work-hah, hah. " Or, I would be referred to as the American who, like Marquis Childs some years earlier, "believed our propaganda. " By 1970-71, of course, the Swedish political environment had become more boisterous than it had been in 1967-68. Indeed, during the course of that year my amused colleagues found themselves enmeshed in a strike action against the government that was part of an emotional series of such actions that some observers thought would bring most public services to a halt. If my earlier portrait had been influenced (too much, they thought) by the American Malaise in which I was implicated, so must their later reaction to my portrait have been influenced (too much, I thought) by the Swedish Turmoil of 1970 and 1971.

Those who implement policies have the discretion to shape democratic values. Public administration is not policy administered, but democracy administered.

Marking the 97th anniversary of Woodrow Wilson's landmark The Study of Administration, this major work focuses on Wilson, his times, and his widely discussed politics-administration di-chotomy. The 21 distinguished contributors-brought together after a nationwide search for the finest writ-ing on this topic-weave a unique text that offers a single-source reference investigating the study as well as the practice of public administration ... presents a cohesive, original ac count of the subject by concentrating on Wilson's contributions-an approach superior to that of the ordinary text ... and spotlights key current issues and challenges resulting from obser vations made during Wilson's era. Politics and Administration provides such an exceptional perspective of this field that it is sure to attain rapid recognition as the ideal textbook for graduate-level introductory public admin-istration or management, political science, and American history courses. What is more, ongo-ing examinations of public administration make this volume a requisite reference for political scientists, historians, public administrators, politicians, and sociologists.

Winner of the 2020 Outstanding Book Award Presented by the Public and Nonprofit Section of the National Academy of Management Winner of the 2019 Louis Brownlow Book Award from the National Academy of Public Administration Bureaucracy, confusing paperwork, and complex regulations—or what public policy scholars Pamela Herd and Donald Moynihan call administrative burdens—often introduce delay and frustration into our experiences with government agencies. Administrative burdens diminish the effectiveness of public programs and can even block individuals from fundamental rights like voting. In AdministrativeBurden, Herd and Moynihan document that the administrative burdens citizens regularly encounter in their interactions with the state are not simply unintended byproducts of governance, but the result of deliberate policy choices. Because burdens affect people’s perceptions of government and often perpetuate long-standing inequalities, understanding why administrative burdens exist and how they can be reduced is essential for maintaining a healthy public sector. Through in-depth case studies of federal programs and controversial legislation, the authors show that administrative burdens are the nuts-and-bolts of policy design. Regarding controversial issues such as voter enfranchisement or abortion rights, lawmakers often use administrative burdens to limit access to rights or services they oppose. For instance, legislators have implemented administrative burdens such as complicated registration requirements and strict voter-identification laws to suppress turnout of African American voters. Similarly, the right to an abortion is legally protected, but many states require women seeking abortions to comply with burdens such as mandatory waiting periods, ultrasounds, and scripted counseling. As Herd and Moynihan demonstrate, administrative burdens often disproportionately affect the disadvantaged who lack the resources to deal with the financial and psychological costs of navigating these obstacles. However, policymakers have sometimes reduced administrative burdens or shifted them away from citizens and onto the government. One example is Social Security, which early administrators of the program implemented in the 1930s with the goal of minimizing burdens for beneficiaries. As a result, the take-up rate is about 100 percent because the Social Security Administration keeps track of peoples’ earnings for them, automatically calculates benefits and eligibility, and simply requires an easy online enrollment or visiting one of 1,200 field offices. Making more programs and public services operate this efficiently, the authors argue, requires adoption of a nonpartisan, evidence-based metric for determining when and how to institute administrative burdens, with a bias toward reducing them. By ensuring that the public’s interaction with government is no more onerous than it need be, policymakers and administrators can reduce inequality, boost civic engagement, and build an efficient state that works for all citizens.

Several years ago, freshly returned from a year in Stockholm but deeply en meshed in the American Malaise of the late 1960's, I sketched out an image of Swedish policy-making that defined a generalized policy-making role and sought to relate that role to both citizen attitudes and the elite political culture 1 in Sweden. Although that sketch seems to have been taken seriously by other foreigners, I think it is fair to say that the principal reaction of my Swedish friends and colleagues was amusement. When I later (1970-71) returned for another year in Stockholm, I found myself being introduced at parties as the man who had written ''that marvelously out-of-date sketch of how Swedish politics used to work-hah, hah. " Or, I would be referred to as the American who, like Marquis Childs some years earlier, "believed our propaganda. " By 1970-71, of course, the Swedish political environment had become more boisterous than it had been in 1967-68. Indeed, during the course of that year my amused colleagues found themselves enmeshed in a strike action against the government that was part of an emotional series of such actions that some observers thought would bring most public services to a halt. If my earlier portrait had been influenced (too much, they thought) by the American Malaise in which I was implicated, so must their later reaction to my portrait have been influenced (too much, I thought) by the Swedish Turmoil of 1970 and 1971.

The passage of Citizens United by the Supreme Court in 2010 sparked a renewed debate about campaign spending by large political action committees, or Super PACs. Its ruling said that it is okay for corporations and labor unions to spend as much as they want in advertising and other methods to convince people to vote for or against a candidate. This book provides a wide range of opinions on the issue. Includes primary and secondary sources from a variety of perspectives; eyewitnesses, scientific journals, government officials, and many others.

Although administrative policy-making is overshadowed by the drama of judicial decision-making, it is a vital part of the judicial process. Peter Graham Fish examines the structure and legislative history of the various institutions of the federal judicial administration, their development, and their operation. He focuses on the lower courts to show that, although it is delimited by a network of formal institutions, the federal judicial administration is characterized by informality and voluntarism and depends, as he emphasizes, on the roles played by individual judges. As administrators, judges become deeply involved in politics, and Peter Graham Fish concentrates on the politics of the national judicial administration. Within this framework he raises enduring issues: Shall local federal judges be wholly independent or must they conform to uniform standards of law and administration? Shall administration be separate and diffused or united and centralized? Shall politics be superior or subordinate to so-called standards of "'efficiency"? Shall the interests of trial judges prevail over or be subordinate to the regional and national interests of appellate judges? How shall money, manpower, jurisdictional, and structural changes be distributed among the courts? To what extent, if any, should judges modify their behavior or institutions to meet external criticism? Originally published in 1973. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

In this groundbreaking book on one of the world's greatest economic crises, Hacker and Pierson explain why the richest of the rich are getting richer while the rest of the world isn't.