A Biafran Soldiers Survival from the Jaws of Death: Nigeria-Biafran Civil War is a reflection of a personal experience in the battlefield and an insight about certain activities in some war theaters. Attempt was made to illustrate how Nigeria waged a war of genocide against Eastern Nigeria especially the Igbos (Biafrans). This book went further to show that the nonchalant attitude of many African countries toward the Nigeria-Biafra conflict later metamorphosed in various conflicts in many parts of Africa. The growth of Africa has been retarded by similar wars in Angola, Congo, Mozambique, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Ivory Coast, Chad, Sudan, Somalia, Uganda, Burundi, Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Rwanda. One of the objectives of this book is to lay the facts and was neither intended to evoke sentiments nor to cast aspersion on any group or individuals. It is better to learn from our past mistakes for the future progress and unity of Nigeria. Although the war has ended, some of the factors that contributed to the causes of the civil war are still there. In order to keep Nigeria as one indivisible entity, there should be concrete efforts to ensure that human rights of all Nigerians are fully protected.

Chinua Achebe has long been regarded as Africa’s foremost writer. In this major new study, Jago Morrison offers a comprehensive reassessment of his work as an author, broadcaster, editor and political thinker. With new, historically contextualised readings of all of his major works, this is the first study to view Achebe’s oeuvre in its entirety, from Things Fall Apart and the early novels, through the revolutionary Ahiara Declaration – previously attributed to Emeka Ojukwu – to the revealing final works The Education of a British Educated Child and There Was a Country. Contesting previous interpretations which align Achebe too easily with this or that nationalist programme, the book reveals Achebe as a much more troubled figure than critics have habitually assumed. Authoritative and wide-ranging, this book will be essential reading for scholars and students of Achebe’s work in the twenty-first century.

This book explores foreign policy developments in post-colonial Africa. A continental foreign policy is a tenuous proposition, yet new African states emerged out of armed resistance and advocacy from regional allies such as the Bandung Conference and the League of Arab States. Ghana was the first Sub-Saharan African country to gain independence in 1957. Fourteen more countries gained independence in 1960 alone, and by May 1963, when the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) was formed, 30 countries were independent. An early OAU committee was the African Liberation Committee (ALC), tasked to work in the Frontline States (FLS) to support independence in Southern Africa. Pan-Africanists, in alliance with Brazzaville, Casablanca and Monrovia groups, approached continental unity differently, and regionalism continued to be a major feature. Africa’s challenges were often magnified by the capitalist-democratic versus communist-socialist bloc rivalry, but through Africa’s use and leveraging of IGOs – the UN, UNDP, UNECA, GATT, NIEO and others – to advance development, the formation of the African Economic Community, OAU’s evolution into the AU and other alliances belied collective actions, even as Africa implemented decisions that required cooperation: uti possidetis (maintaining colonial borders), containing secession, intra- and inter-state conflicts, rebellions and building RECs and a united Africa as envisioned by Pan Africanists worked better collectively.

This volume explores dynamic conversations through history between individuals and communities over questions about religion and state. Divided into two sections, our authors begin with considerations on the separation of religion and state, as well as Roger Williams’ concept of religious freedom. Authors in the first half consider nuanced debates centered on emerging narratives, with particular emphasis on Native America, Early Americans, and experiences in American immigration after Independence. The first half of the volume examines voices in American History as they publicly engage with notions of secular ideology. Discussions then shift as the volume broadens to world perspectives on religion-state relations. Authors consider critical questions of nation, religious identity and transnational narratives. The intent of this volume is to privilege new narratives about religion-state relations. Decentering discussions away from national narratives allows for emerging voices at the individual and community levels. This volume offers readers new openings through which to understand critical but overlooked interactions between individuals and groups of people with the state over questions about religion.

A Biafran Soldier's Survival from the Jaws of Death: Nigeria-Biafran Civil War is a reflection of a personal experience in the battlefield and an insight about certain activities in some war theaters. Attempt was made to illustrate how Nigeria waged a war of genocide against Eastern Nigeria especially the Igbos (Biafrans). This book went further to show that the nonchalant attitude of many African countries toward the Nigeria-Biafra conflict later metamorphosed in various conflicts in many parts of Africa. The growth of Africa has been retarded by similar wars in Angola, Congo, Mozambique, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Ivory Coast, Chad, Sudan, Somalia, Uganda, Burundi, Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Rwanda. One of the objectives of this book is to lay the facts and was neither intended to evoke sentiments nor to cast aspersion on any group or individuals. It is better to learn from our past mistakes for the future progress and unity of Nigeria. Although the war has ended, some of the factors that contributed to the causes of the civil war are still there. In order to keep Nigeria as one indivisible entity, there should be concrete efforts to ensure that human rights of all Nigerians are fully protected.

This book tells the story of the people of Igbo land at the middle of the nineteenth century, when Europe and Europeans held the dominant power over the lives and affairs of many peoples in Africa. This dominance, however, was never supposed to be total or absolute. Nevertheless, it managed to cast a constricting shadowwith its associated, if unhealthy, ambienceon the day-to-day lives of the people using the overwhelming military and economic power at its disposal at a time when Africans were either recovering from five hundred years of stupor brought on by its own dark ages (AD 11001600) or the shock and paralysis that followed the Moroccan (Mohamedan) and Spanish-mercenary-assisted mayhem and chaos of 1591 against the African kingdoms of West Africa. But the white man would soon lose most of his political and economic opportunities, and some of the absolute attributes he had mustered over the years the moment Britain and the other European races saw themselves as divinely appointed to right the wrongs of mankind. He would, from then on, render himself vulnerable to the tide of African enlightenment and progress, which was then building up everywhere, once the trade by which he had gained his ascendency over the other races of mankind began to decline. In addition, European ascendency witnessed an unusual reversal of luck when its residual strengths, recently boosted with the development of some newer types of weaponrythe Maxim machine gun in the UK (1883) and the Mauser Machine gun (1891) in Germanyweapons whose astonishing power and versatility had not previously been seen or tested in any battlefront, became more widely available to European and non-European troops. These, however, could not provide definitive answers to all the tactical and strategic imperatives of the developing new battlefront which European armies had sought. Nevertheless, these new weapons became celebrated after they were successfully used to hold the line and repel hordes of brave native fighters armed only with machetes and spears (South Africa) and bows and arrows (Kitcheners Sudan), enabling British forces to claim easy victories over the native forces; several Victoria Crosses would be won on both battlefronts by the British army. The success of the campaigns clearly went to the heads of the victorious army commanders. Thus were sown the seeds that would grow, leading to the idea of invincibility of the white man in the battlefield and the tragic events that preceded the First World War (19141918).

This is a book about Olokoro, our community. The account is not comprehensive, but it forms an important beginning (as other accounts before it) in the formal and permanent documentation of the history, culture, and the way of life of our people and their achievements. The community has grown from a point where its government has transformed from a mere disparate village organization to a level where a unified election dominates the process. The community is made up of diverse population with different ideological orientations that should be harnessed for the development of the community. His Royal Highness Eze J. J. Ogbulafor, Uvuoma 1 of Olokoro, took development of the community seriously as well as extolled the culture. The present dispensation of having many Ezes in Olokoro will lead to progress if properly harnessed by all and sundry. My vision for Olokoro in this regard is articulated in my autobiography (Nwaogu 2015.175). Olokoro community belongs to us all, and denizens should feel free to contribute ideas that will move our community forward. Perceptive readers are welcome, and this includes sharing of comments, suggestions, insights that will broaden our minds toward the achievement of a unified, progressive, and respectable community.

In this volume, Stephen Prince has collected essays reviewing the history of the horror film and the psychological reasons for its persistent appeal, as well as discussions of the developmental responses of young adult viewers and children to the genre. The book focuses on recent postmodern examples such as The Blair Witch Project. In a daring move, the volume also examines Holocaust films in relation to horror. Part One features essays on the silent and classical Hollywood eras. Part Two covers the postWorld War II era and discusses the historical, aesthetic, and psychological characteristics of contemporary horror films. In contrast to horror during the classical Hollywood period, contemporary horror features more graphic and prolonged visualizations of disturbing and horrific imagery, as well as other distinguishing characteristics. Princes introduction provides an overview of the genre, contextualizing the readings that follow. Stephen Prince is professor of communications at Virginia Tech. He has written many film books, including Classical Film Violence: Designing and Regulating Brutality in Hollywood Cinema, 19301968, and has edited Screening Violence, also in the Depth of Field Series.

An updated and comprehensive single-volume history covering all periods from human origins to contemporary African situations.

Araba(separation) was a word first used by rioters at a Bauchi demonstration signaling the Northern peoples desire to break from the federal republic of Nigeria. The catalyst for its first use was the cold-blooded murder of some prominent Northern elites, including the Premier of the North, Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, by predominantly Igbo officers, on January 15, 1966 Araba became a rallying cry for the Norths disaffection with the state of affairs after Irons promulgation of the obnoxious decree No 34, making Nigeria a unitary state. In some quarters, it became resonant and synonymous with the rampant killing of Igbos in the North. These killings (similar things were happening to Northerners in the East) necessitated the mass movement of Igbos to the East and Northerners to the Northern territories. The Norths disaffection with decree No 34 led to the overthrow of Irons regime by predominantly Northern officers, led by, amongst others, M. Muhammed. However, military decorum and Northern political leadership demanded Muhammed defer to Gowon, even though Gowon was never part of the coup plan or a strong supporter of it. Indeed, if anything, he tried to quell it. The abrogation of decree No 34 and the creation of the twelve-state structure by Gowon was the final straw that broke the camels back for Ojukwu, who consequently proclaimed his territorys secession from Nigeria and the creation of an independent republic of Biafra formed out of the Eastern states. The seed for a bloody civil war was thus cast, and for four years the East felt the worst for it. However, the magnanimity of a blanket amnesty given to all the rebel soldiers at the end of hostilities was admirable, and an intelligent piece of statecraft, responsible for the easy and smooth absorption of those in the East into the economic and political life of the country.