Latin American legislators, like legislators worldwide, are drawn from a narrow set of elites who are largely out of touch with average citizens. Despite comprising the vast majority of the labor force, working-class people represent a small slice of the legislature. Working Class Inclusion examines how the near exclusion of working-class citizens from legislatures affects citizens' evaluations of government. Combining surveys from across Latin America with novel data on legislators' class backgrounds and experiments from Argentina and Mexico, the book demonstrates voters want more workers in office, and when combined with policy representation, the presence of working-class legislators improves citizens' evaluations of government. Absent policy representation, however, workers are met with distrust and backlash. Chapters show citizens have many opportunities to learn about the presence, or absence, of workers; and the relationship between working-class representation and evaluations of government is strongest among citizens who are aware of legislators' class status.

This book is a twist on the current discourse around ‘inclusivity’ and ‘widening participation’. Higher education is welcoming students from diverse educational, social, and economic backgrounds, and yet it predominantly employs middle-class academics. Conceptually, there appears, on at least these grounds alone, to be a cultural and class mismatch. This work discusses empirical interviews with tenured academics from a working-class heritage employed in one UK university. Interviewees talk candidly about their childhood backgrounds, their school experiences, and what happened to them after leaving compulsory education. They also reveal their experiences of university, both as students and academics from their early careers to the present day. This book will be of interest to an international audience that includes new and aspiring academics who come from a working-class background themselves. The multifaceted findings will also be relevant to established academics and students of sociology, education studies and social class.

This book presents a timely perspective that puts working-class people at the forefront of achieving sustainability. Bell argues that environmentalism is a class issue, and confronts some current practice, policy and research that is preventing the attainment of sustainability and a healthy environment for all. She combines two of the biggest challenges facing humanity: that millions of people around the world still do not have their social and environmental needs met (including healthy food, clean water, affordable energy, clean air); and that the earth’s resources have been over-used or misused. Bell explores various solutions to these social and ecological crises and lays out an agenda for simultaneously achieving greater well-being, equality and sustainability. The result will be an invaluable resource for practitioners and policy-makers working to achieve environmental and social justice, as well as to students and scholars across social policy, sociology, human geography, and environmental studies.

Built on research findings and data from a wide variety of empirical and attitudinal sources, this book raises timely issues about elitism, expansion, quality and access in higher education.

Why are some white, middle-class activists experiencing difficulty creating alliances across racial and class differences? What are the obstacles and what is being done to overcome them? What type of movement structures, cultures, and practices can best facilitate inter-racial, inter-class solidarity? Stories of Inclusion? explores these questions through an ethnographic study of a predominately white, middle-class contemporary peace and justice network that is working to create a racially and class diverse community of activists. Addressing a very significant and greatly under researched topic, Stories of Inclusion? raises important and critical questions for the peace movement as well as larger society. In accessible prose, this study bridges the literatures of social movement theory, critical race studies, and feminist theory, and offers new insight into how power and privilege can affect the process of creating inclusive communities. Drawing on data the author collected through in-depth interviews, interpretive focus groups, and over two years of participant observation, this study explores how white, middle-class privilege influences political analyses, definitions of peace work, and approaches to alliance building. The findings are compelling and reveal that even those who have developed an oppositional political consciousness and have pledged to work across racial and class divides can still foster exclusive organizing practices. This study also offers examples on how some activists are acknowledging privilege, transforming their worldviews, and beginning to establish fruitful relationships across differences. This important work emphasizes the continuing importance of race for those collective actors attempting to construct inclusive movements across diverse groups, while also offering important practical solutions on how to bridge differences. The conclusion offers a framework for building a new agenda for the peace and justice movement.

Alan Sears examines education reform in relation to a broad process of cultural and economic change. His book makes the case that education reform is one aspect of a broad-ranging neo-liberal agenda that aims to push the market deeper into every aspect of our lives by eliminating or shrinking non-market alternatives. The author begins by showing that advocates of education reform have had to make the case that the current system is not working. This sets the ground for an examination of the so-called 'Common Sense Revolution, ' a claim that drastic change was required to redesign government policies to fit a changing world. Lean production methods are a crucial component of this changing world, and broader social and cultural change is now required to consolidate the emerging order built on the spread of these methods. Education reform is designed to recast the relations of citizenship, contributing to the cultural and social change promoted through the social policy of the lean state.

There’s more to all of us than what meets the eye A perfect storm is upon us and educators are in the middle of it. Identity issues often incite and divide us, but they are actually our way out of the storm. No one should be oppressed or have to hide who they are, and young people need to be prepared for a future where they can learn to live together and help others belong. In their beautifully written book, Dennis Shirley and Andy Hargreaves brilliantly show how we can and must engage with young people’s identities in their fullness and complexity. Rooted in classical and contemporary theories of identity, extensive research, and in sheer common sense, their book takes us from bitterness to belonging and includes: Examples of how schools seek to address identity and belonging Strategies to deal with the raging identity controversies in our schools and societies Charts and graphics to help build inclusive professional communities Constant invitations to readers to apply ideas to their own work

Democratisation in Britain is a novel reinterpretation of British social and political history since 1800 in light of the continuing debate about democratisation. As such, the book goes far beyond standard histories of political reform. In common with the politics in Northern Europe, North America and Australasia, Britain's democratisation began early and in highly favourable circumstances. The process took place in stages, only half-consciously and in the context of a generally benign economic cycle. The country possessed a vibrant civil society at most levels of its adult population, along with a flexible, competitive and opportunistic set of political elites. Partly as a result, the popular expectations and demands released by democratisation were modest and untroublesome. Countries undergoing democratisation since 1918 have been far less fortunate, and the process in thereby much more difficult. Thus this book may be seen as portraying an 'ideal type' against which to compare and contrast these later experiences. Democratisation in Britain combines the disciplines of political science and history, and will be of interest to scholars and students in both fields.

It is long past time for the church to talk seriously about social class. Bringing together the stories of eight contemporary Christian ministers and theologians from working-class backgrounds, and putting their own life experiences into conversation with theological reflection, Confounding the Mighty explores what role class plays in the life of Churches, education establishments and social justice movements in 21st Century Britain and beyond. Written from a diverse variety of social locations, chapters explore how class relates to faith, Church, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, education, leadership, work and wider social justice issues. While lamenting injustice and personal experiences of oppression, this book suggests radical changes in how Christians, churches and theologians relate to class issues, pointing towards renewed structures and practices to bring class justice in churches and wider society. Recognising that class is a thorny issue, the book seeks to bring a progressive theological perspective on class which pays close attention to related issues and promotes liberation for all.

"This enlightening book provides the first systematic introduction to, and exploration of, the emerging system of industrial relations in China, and draws on the authors' extensive research and direct involvement in the developments taking place. The authors argue that there are both unifying and fragmenting elements to the ongoing development of industrial relations, but overall it is one in which the state continues to maintain a major, and direct, influence. Divisions between workers and managers may be escalating with increased open conflicts, but this book reveals that the picture is far more complex and contradictory than to assume that the solution is convergence with western style industrial relations systems. They conclude that industrial relations institutions and processes still act within a political context and with the guiding hand of the Chinese Communist party."