The book describes, interprets, and analyzes the key features of European society and American society and major social trends in the United States and in the European Union in the last 50 years. The United States of America and the European Union are the two strongest economic powers in the contemporary world, roughly equivalent in terms of GNP, market size and scientific potential, but asymmetrical in terms of political influence and military might. The US and the EU can be both seen as successful examples of economic development and of political and cultural modernization. But they have followed different paths to reach such a position. They can be considered as two variants of Western modernity. The systematic description of trends for the US and the EU taken as whole societies, and the interpretation of similarities and differences and of major changes over time would be already a significant scientific work since they would fill a void in today's social science literature. In fact, there are several studies comparing the US with one or more European countries, but there is no comparative study of the United States with the European Union taken as a single society. The importance of the comparison is self-evident, for discussing such questions as: what kind of society the US and the EU constitute? how similar and how different are they? are they two variants of Western modernity or two wholly distinct models of society (American exceptionalism and European uniqueness)? are the two societal models converging or diverging? which are the distinctive features the American model of society? is it departing from its core culture and institutions? is there a European society in the making? how diverse are the member countries of the EU? which are the distinctive features of the European project? which model of society seems more reactive to the challenges of globalization? The approach is new insofar as it assumes the countries of the European Union as increasingly forming a single society with gradually converging trends and common features, and considers the differences among member countries as regional differences within the European society. The conclusion is that in spite of different foreign policy perspectives and different 'national' priorities however, the US and the EU are bound not only to compete, but also to work together. Although the relationship will be more or less turbulent, more or less friendly, according to the events of global politics and to the characters of governments and leaders of the two unions, it will remain a close relationship for long time. As any sea, the Atlantic ocean not only divides, but also unites, the peoples on its shores.

This books, available in paperback for the first time, examines the period between the military intervention against Serbia by NATO and the one in Iraq by the US. It has been a particularly turbulent one for transatlantic security relations. Is the malaise currently affecting the Transatlantic Alliance more serious than ever before and if so why? Will differences in the assessment of how to provide order and stability in the international system as well as in the evaluation of threats and how to respond to them mark the end of the Transatlantic Alliance? Or will the US, NATO, the EU, and EU member states work together, using different instruments and accepting a degree of division of labour, to pacify, stabilise and rebuild troublesome areas as they have done in South-Eastern Europe? This book, with contributions from leading American, Canadian and European scholars, analyses the reasons behind the latest crisis of the Transatlantic Alliance and dissects its manifestations.

This book brings a needed balance to the debate: are the USA and Europe really at odds after stressful unavoidable diplomatic residue following the Iraq War? The book outlines a clear common ground for both sides, noting that American relations with Europe remain vital for commercial, cultural, and geo-political reasons.

This book examines the period between the military intervention against Serbia by NATO and the one in Iraq by the US. It has been a particularly turbulent one for transatlantic security relations. Is the malaise currently affecting the Transatlantic Alliance more serious than ever before and if so why? Will differences in the assessment of how to provide order and stability in the international system as well as in the evaluation of threats and how to respond to them mark the end of the Transatlantic Alliance? Or will the US, NATO, the EU, and EU member states work together, using different instruments and accepting a degree of division of labour, to pacify, stabilise and rebuild troublesome areas as they have done in South-Eastern Europe? This book, with contributions from leading American, Canadian and European scholars, analyses the reasons behind the latest crisis of the Transatlantic Alliance and dissects its manifestations.

The United States and the European Union operate the world’s two most powerful systems of competition law and policy, whose enforcement and judicial institutions employ similar concepts and legal language. Yet the two regimes sometimes reach very different results on significant antitrust issues. In The Atlantic Divide in Antitrust, Daniel Gifford and Robert Kudrle show that a combination of differences in social values, political institutions, and legal precedent inhibit close convergence. The book explores the main contested areas of contemporary antitrust: mergers, price discrimination, predatory pricing, exclusive supply, conditional rebating, intellectual property, and Schumpeterian competition. The authors explore how the prevailing antitrust analyses differ in the EU and the U.S., the policy ramifications of these differences, and how the analyses used by the enforcement authorities or the courts in each of these several areas relate to each other. Several themes run through the substantive areas treated in the book: pricing incentives and constraints, welfare effects, and whether competition tends to be viewed as an efficiency generating process or as rivalry. The notorious Microsoft case offers a useful lens to examine copyright, patents, and trade secrets, and the authors take the opportunity to contemplate competition policy in dynamic, innovative industries more broadly. For the EU, competition policy has also functioned as a mechanism to bond national markets together in the EU structure; the USA, federal from the beginning, did not require this instrumental aspect in its antitrust doctrines. The Atlantic Divide concludes with forecasts and suggestions about how greater compatibility, if not convergence, might ultimately be attained.

The first major work of cultural and intellectual history devoted to the subject of the transatlantic religious divide. Using nineteenth and early twentieth century commentary on the subject, Howard helps us understand why Americans have maintained much friendlier ties with traditional forms of religion than their European counterparts.

A penetrating new examination of the triangular political and cultural relationship between America, Britain, and continental Europe. This relationship is both fraught and dynamic. Post-war reconstruction of Europe brought integration. Creating a ‘United States of Europe’ was a goal shared by many Americans. Yet the contemporary 'War on Terror', has redefined relationships between America, Britain, 'old' and 'new' Europe. For Britain, the Channel seems wider than the Atlantic, although geopolitically it is part of Europe. This book brings together experts from Britain, Europe and America to explore the complexities of contemporary cultural and political relationships, considering the challenges that have been met and those that have to be faced.

This edited volume bridges the "analytical divide" between studies of transatlantic relations, democratic peace theory, and foreign policy analysis, and improves our theoretical understanding of the logic of crises prevention and resolution. The recent rise of populism and polarization in both the U.S.A and Europe adds to a host of foreign policy crises that have emerged in transatlantic relations over the last two decades. Through examining how democracies can manage to sustain and maintain mechanisms of crisis resilience that are embedded in the democratic peace, and particularly transatlantic relations, this book helps enhance the understanding of inter-democratic crisis resolution across issue areas. In doing so, it addresses some of the most important and prevalent crises of our time, such as anti-terrorism intervention in Afghanistan; Iran's nuclear program; burden-sharing within North Atlantic Treaty Organization NATO; key aspects of the international order, such as binding norms for cyber security and the integration of China into the Western-led international economic order; as well as domestic order shifts, such as the British vote to leave the European Union (EU) and the impact of the Trump administration populist foreign policy on transatlantic crisis resolution. This book will be of key interest to students and scholars of International Relations, Transatlantic Studies, Foreign Policy Analysis, and Comparative Politics.