This book examines debates about the formation of French economic policy during the Great Depression.

The poor performance of the French economy in the 1930s has long been recognised as a major contributory factor in the decline of the Third Republic, which collapsed after the defeat of 1940. Although France entered the Great Depression later than the rest of the world, French governments failed to learn from the experience of other countries in combating it. This book is the first full study of the formation of economic policy in these crucial years, and of the political debate to which it gave rise. It examines the origins of the notion of planning and the 'planomania', which gripped France in 1934; and it shows why this solution was ultimately rejected. It also analyses in detail the arguments of pro- and anti-devaluers. The conclusion suggests that stagnation was to some extent chosen as a conscious policy, since at least until 1936 the Depression never seemed severe enough to threaten the social order.

This is the first full-length study in English of the Popular Front, the left-wing coalition which emerged in France during the 1930s in response to the threat of fascism and which went on to win the elections of 1936, giving France her first socialist premier, Léon Blum. After a brief narrative history of the Popular Front the book is organised thematically around the main historiographical debates to which the Popular Front has given rise. Among the issues considered are the origins of the strikes of 1936, the reasons for the failure of the Popular Front economic policy, the relationship between culture and politics in France in the 1930s and the causes of France's policy of non-intervention in the Spanish Civil War. The book views the Popular Front at three levels - as a mass movement, political coalition and government - and argues that it must not be seen just as a narrowly political phenomenon but as a political, social and cultural explosion which attempted to break down the barriers between all areas of human activity in the highly compartmentalised society of France in the 1930s. Even if the Popular Front ultimately failed in this aim it has acquired legendary status in France, and the epilogue to the book briefly examines the 'myth' of the Popular Front from 1936 to the present day.

"When Benjamin Martin's latest report from the front of French fallibility does not read like a tragedy, whose end is foreordained, it reads like a melodrama: sensational doings punctuated by catchy melodies like 'L'Internationale' and 'La Marseillaise.' In both cases it reads well.... French life in the run-up to World War II was a gangrenous decomposition, to be followed by still worse. The country's leaders found nary a pratfall that they could avoid. They chose a semblance of peace above honor and ended up with neither.... In spite of a masterful prologue, successful synthesis, elegant concision and lucid presentation (or perhaps thanks to them), the reader can't help sharing the nation's shames. A tribute to the historian's talent." -- Eugen Weber, Phi Beta Kappa Key ReporterAt the beginning of 1938, containment of Nazi Germany by a coalition of eastern and western democracies without resorting to war was still a distinct possibility. By the end of 1938, however, Germany was much stronger, the western democracies stood alone, and war was all but certain. The primary cause for these developments, argues Benjamin F. Martin, was the foreign and domestic policies adopted by the French government and embraced by the French people. In a riveting account of the dark days leading up to France's defeat and occupation, Martin reveals a great and civilized nation committing a kind of suicide in 1938. Using movies, novels, newspapers, and sensational court cases, Martin weaves an absorbing tale of France's collective fear and melancholy during this troubled prewar period.

This is a political biography of the French industrialist and political activist Jacques Lemaigre Dubreuil (1894-1955), president of the Taxpayers' Federation in the 1930s, entrepreneur in wartime France and Africa, organizer of the 'Group of Five' in Algiers which prepared for the Allied landings in North Africa (November 1942), 'inventor' of General Henri Giraud as a candidate for the leadership of liberated North and West Africa, negotiator of the Murphy-Giraud Agreements and the Anfa Memorandum with President Roosevelt (1942 and 1943), political writer on the postwar future of France in Morocco and the owner of the liberal newspaper Maroc-Presse. He was assassinated in Casablanca by French counter-terrorists in June 1955, a 'turning point' event which pushed the French government to grant independence to Morroco. Was he a rabble-rouser, a demagogue, a betrayer of French interests at home and overseas or a reformer, a patriot, a hero of the anti-German resistance, and a champion of Franco-Moroccan solidarity?

The years 1934 to 1944 remain the most contentious and dramatic decade in modern French history. Covering the Occupation, the Vichy regime, the Resistance and collaboration, Nick Atkin provides an important introduction to this key period. Accessible and concise, the book offers a wide-ranging synthesis of key themes and events. Looking ahead to the present day, the book also examines how the French establishment and public have coped with the legacy of Vichy, and explains why the occupation is still ever present in French politics and everyday life.

The Inter-War Crisis is a concise yet analytical overview of the rapidly-changing world between 1918 and 1939, covering the political, economic and social instability that resulted from the First World War and the eventual descent towards the fresh upheaval of the Second World War. Revised throughout and containing a new range of illustrations, this third edition covers topics such as the Russian Revolution, the Wall Street Crash of 1929, the concepts of the ‘end of civilization‘ and the decline of the West, cultural and scientific responses to an age of anxiety and fear, and the ways in which dictatorship came to replace democracy across so much of Europe. Global in focus, it offers thematic discussions, close analysis of a range of case studies and a clear over-arching narrative structure that guides the reader from the close of one war to the beginning of the next. Also including a selection of over thirty primary source documents, maps, a chronology of events, a glossary of key terms, a Who’s Who of important figures and an extensive and updated guide to further reading, this book is an essential introduction for students of the inter-war period.

Eric Jabbari examines Pierre Laroque's contribution to the rise of the French welfare state, namely his role as the architect of the social security plan which was adopted by the provisional government in 1945. The conception of the Laroque Plan was a product of his work as a civil servant and social policy expert, and it reflected the diverse combination of influences: his background in administrative law and his onetime support for the corporatist management of industrial relations. These experiences were all the more notable since they were marked by his belief in the necessity of an increased state interventionism which was mitigated by administrative decentralisation. The purpose of social policy, in his mind, was to cultivate social solidarity, a task which could best be achieved if the beneficiaries of this policy could be encouraged to participate in its implementation. These concerns remained central to his conception of the state and society long after he lost his enthusiasm for corporatism, and contributed to the shape of post-war social security.

The period spanning the two World Wars was unquestionably the most catastrophic in Europe's history. Despite such undeniably progressive developments as the radical expansion of women's suffrage and rising health standards, the era was dominated by political violence and chronic instability. Its symbols were Verdun, Guernica, and Auschwitz. By the end of this dark period, tens of millions of Europeans had been killed and more still had been displaced and permanently traumatized. If the nineteenth century gave Europeans cause to regard the future with a sense of optimism, the early twentieth century had them anticipating the destruction of civilization. The fact that so many revolutions, regime changes, dictatorships, mass killings, and civil wars took place within such a compressed time frame suggests that Europe experienced a general crisis. The Oxford Handbook of European History, 1914-1945 reconsiders the most significant features of this calamitous age from a transnational perspective. It demonstrates the degree to which national experiences were intertwined with those of other nations, and how each crisis was implicated in wider regional, continental, and global developments. Readers will find innovative and stimulating chapters on various political, social, and economic subjects by some of the leading scholars working on modern European history today.

This book traces the origins and evolution of extreme-right wing thought in France from the end of the nineteenth century to the present day. It establishes the presence of an ideological tradition or organicist, exclusive nationalism initiated at the end of the nineteenth century, which adapts itself to the post-First World War and re-emerges forcibly during the Occupation. Elements of this same tradition are present in the modern discourse of the extreme right in post-war France. This helps the student of modern French politics to see movements like the Front National in their historical perspective.