This biography of Ellis Arnall follows the life and political career of the former governor from his rural Georgia upbringing through his service as state representative, attorney general, and governor to his subsequent political exile. Arnall assumed the governorship of Georgia in 1943, becoming the youngest person in the United States ever elected to that position. In his single term (1943-1947) he initiated a series of remarkable reforms that elevated Georgia above its Tobacco Road image and stood it alongside North Carolina, then the South's most progressive state. Unlike most of his colleagues, Arnall refused to "play it safe" in the state's political arena. Though still a segregationist and a traditionalist in many ways, Arnall had no patience for provincialism and cared deeply about Georgia and how it was viewed by the rest of the nation. Boldly confronting the demagoguery of his predecessor Eugene Talmadge, Arnall, who called himself "a democrat with a small 'd'," united the state's liberal and conservative factions to deliver the promise of the New South to all of Georgia's citizens: biracial voting, government reform, economic development, and an improved standard of living. So sweeping and farsighted were Arnall's accomplishments that, to a great extent, the structure of Georgia's present-day government evolved under his guidance and has changed little since. In 1985, a Georgia Association of Historians survey ranked Arnall's leadership, responsiveness to issues, and national reputation the highest among governors who served from 1943-1983. Successful as it was, his career, begun a decade earlier in the state house of representatives, was cut short. Many Georgians felt that Arnall was too liberal and, worse, that he had catered to the national media, enhancing his own image by discussing the state's problems with outsiders. By Arnall's own estimation, his political career ended when he decided to abide by a 1945 federal court decision that invalidated Georgia's white-voters-only primary elections. Arnall left politics in 1947, returning briefly in 1966 for a spirited, but unsuccessful, primary bid for governor. Written with Ellis Arnall's full cooperation and filled with fascinating details of the final days of Old South politics, this book recounts the political career of one of the region's most accomplished and energetic leaders. The Politics of Change in Georgia is based on the former governor's speeches and public writings, critical and supportive newspapers accounts, and interviews both with Arnall and with other prominent Georgians such as Herman E. Talmadge, S. Ernest Vandiver, Jr., Lester G. Maddox, Carl E. Sanders, Jr., James H. Gray, Sr., Howard H. Callaway, and Ivan Allen, Jr.

This book contradicts the dominant myth that incompetent, corrupt, and uncompromising Palestinian decision-makers are responsible for the lasting stalemate in the Middle-East Peace Process. It highlights recent political developments in Palestine that fundamentally redefine important parameters of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Contrary to public perception, new political trends in the Palestinian Territories bolster prospects for the realization of Palestinian national aspirations. Michael Bröning identifies key indicators which fundamentally question dominant Israeli narratives and pose an unprecedented strategic challenge to the Israeli leadership. These include the re-invention of Hamas, the reform of the Fatah movement, Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad’s state-building efforts and the surge of non-violent resistance against Israel. This persuasive book forces us to reconsider the perceived wisdom that the Palestinians are powerless to influence events as they struggle for peace.

Governments around the world are trying to come to terms with new technologies, new social movements and a changing global economy. As a result, educational policy finds itself at the centre of a major political struggle between those who see it only for its instrumental outcomes and those who see its potential for human emancipation. This book is a successor to the best-selling Understanding Schooling (1988). It provides a readable account of how educational policies are developed by the state in response to broader social, cultural, economic and political changes which are taking place. It examines the way in which schools live and work with these changes, and the policies which result from them. The book examines policy making at each level, from perspectives both inside and outside the state bureaucracy. It has a particular focus on social justice. Both undergraduate and postgraduate students will find that this book enables them to understand the reasoning behind the changes they are expected to implement. It will help to prepare them to confront an uncertain educational world, whilst still retaining their enthusiasm for education.

"Climate change differs from any other problem that, as collective humanity, we face today. If it goes unchecked, the consequences are likely to be catastrophic for human life on earth. Yet for most people, and for many policy-makers too, it tends to be a 'back of the mind' issue. ... [This book] argues controversially, we do not have a systematic politics of climate change. Politics-as-usual won't allow us to deal with the problems we face, while the recipes of the main challenger to orthodox politics, the green movement, are flawed at source." - cover.

rofessor Gilpin uses history, sociology, and economic theory to identify the forces causing change in the world order.

Introduction -- Value and the social division of labor -- Benefit corporations: reimagining corporate responsibility -- Slow Money: the value of place -- Value and the public sector -- Conclusion: comparing the three revaluation projects

The Plot to Change America exposes the myths that help identity politics perpetuate itself. This book reveals what has really happened, explains why it is urgent to change course, and offers a strategy to do so. Though we should not fool ourselves into thinking that it will be easy to eliminate identity politics, we should not overthink it, either. Identity politics relies on the creation of groups and then on giving people incentives to adhere to them. If we eliminate group making and the enticements, we can get rid of identity politics. The first myth that this book exposes is that identity politics is a grassroots movement, when from the beginning it has been, and continues to be, an elite project. For too long, we have lived with the fairy tale that America has organically grown into a nation gripped by victimhood and identitarian division; that it is all the result of legitimate demands by minorities for recognition or restitutions for past wrongs. The second myth is that identity politics is a response to the demographic change this country has undergone since immigration laws were radically changed in 1965. Another myth we are told is that to fight these changes is as depraved as it is futile, since by 2040, America will be a minority-majority country, anyway. This book helps to explain that none of these things are necessarily true.

In the late 1960s, the American city found itself in steep decline. An urban crisis fueled by federal policy wreaked destruction and displacement on poor and working-class families. The urban drama included religious institutions, themselves undergoing fundamental change, that debated whether to stay in the city or move to the suburbs. Against the backdrop of the Black and Brown Power movements, which challenged economic inequality and white supremacy, young Latino radicals began occupying churches and disrupting services to compel church communities to join their protests against urban renewal, poverty, police brutality, and racism. Apostles of Change tells the story of these occupations and establishes their context within the urban crisis; relates the tensions they created; and articulates the activists' bold, new vision for the church and the world. Through case studies from Chicago, Los Angeles, New York City, and Houston, Felipe Hinojosa reveals how Latino freedom movements frequently crossed boundaries between faith and politics and argues that understanding the history of these radical politics is essential to understanding the dynamic changes in Latino religious groups from the late 1960s to the early 1980s.

Reprint of the Simon & Schuster edition originally published in 1993. Annotation copyright Book News, Inc. Portland, Or.

A brilliant condemnation of political hobbyism—treating politics like entertainment—and a call to arms for well-meaning, well-informed citizens who consume political news, but do not take political action. Who is to blame for our broken politics? The uncomfortable answer to this question starts with ordinary citizens with good intentions. We vote (sometimes) and occasionally sign a petition or attend a rally. But we mainly “engage” by consuming politics as if it’s a sport or a hobby. We soak in daily political gossip and eat up statistics about who’s up and who’s down. We tweet and post and share. We crave outrage. The hours we spend on politics are used mainly as pastime. Instead, we should be spending the same number of hours building political organizations, implementing a long-term vision for our city or town, and getting to know our neighbors, whose votes will be needed for solving hard problems. We could be accumulating power so that when there are opportunities to make a difference—to lobby, to advocate, to mobilize—we will be ready. But most of us who are spending time on politics today are focused inward, choosing roles and activities designed for our short-term pleasure. We are repelled by the slow-and-steady activities that characterize service to the common good. In Politics Is for Power, pioneering and brilliant data analyst Eitan Hersh shows us a way toward more effective political participation. Aided by political theory, history, cutting-edge social science, as well as remarkable stories of ordinary citizens who got off their couches and took political power seriously, this book shows us how to channel our energy away from political hobbyism and toward empowering our values.