This book offers a rich perspective on Africa’s agency in the changing global order marked by intense geopolitical contestations. It discusses ways in which the African continent has been on the margins of the global economic system because of the actions of major powers and Africa’s own leaders, and how this legacy can be overcome. The book covers an uncharted ground in analyzing the intersection between geopolitical rivalry, digital futures, and Africa’s place in the world. This text makes a clarion call for African leaders and citizens to define better development pathways for the continent through insisting on ethical and transformation leadership as well as building credible institutions that are inclusive. This, according to the author, will ensure a sounder basis for Africa’s positive agency. Further, the book makes a strong case for structural transformation that is innovation-led, and that African decision-makers should leverage US-China rivalries to achieve Africa’s own development interests.

In this book, China-Latin America relations experts Margaret Myers and Carol Wise examine the political and economic forces that have underpinned Chinese engagement in the region, as well as the ways in which these forces have shaped economic sectors and policy-making in Latin America. The contributors begin with a review of developments in cross-Pacific statecraft, including the role of private, state-level, sub-national, and extra-regional actors that have influenced China-Latin America engagement in recent years. Part two of the book examines the variety of Latin American development trajectories borne of China’s growing global presence. Contributors analyse the effects of Chinese engagement on specific economic sectors, clusters (the LAC emerging economies), and sub-regions (Central America, the Southern Cone of South America, and the Andean region). Individual case studies draw out these themes. This volume is a welcome addition to the growing body of literature on China-Latin America relations. It illuminates the complex interplay between economics and politics that has characterized China’s relations with the region as a second decade of enhanced economic engagement draws to a close. This volume is an indispensable read for students, scholars and policy makers wishing to gain new insights into the political economy of China-Latin America relations.

China–Taiwan economic ties are now among the key factors influencing the relations between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait which is still one of the flashpoints in today’s world. This book traces the origin and the process of how so-called “cross-strait economic ties” became such a key factor in China-Taiwan relations throughout the 1990s and how this factor has affected China–Taiwan relations since then. By focusing on “Taiwan’s domestic politics” as it relates to the domestic conflicts between opposing political and economic forces in Taiwan over the political relations and economic ties across the Taiwan Strait, the book demonstrates that the growth of cross-strait economic ties since 1990 has significantly affected Taiwan’s domestic politics which in turn has had a profound impact on China–Taiwan relations. Although the growth of China–Taiwan economic ties could hardly resolve the so-called “Taiwan problem” and might even lead to some political and economic conflicts between the two sides at times, through Taiwan’s domestic politics, it has reduced the likelihood of severe confrontation, especially the military one, in the Taiwan Strait. As this book reveals, the interactions between the economic winners, the economic losers, the political parties, the government, and the general public in Taiwan’s domestic politics as a result of the growth of cross-strait economic ties have played an important role in the development of China–Taiwan relations, leading to a very confrontational situation from 1995 to 2008, a relatively peaceful Taiwan Strait from 2008 to 2016, and a “cold peace” between the two sides since 2016.

This book examines how the interaction between political and economic factors under Doi Moi has shaped Vietnam’s China policy and bilateral relations since the late 1980s. After providing a historical background, the book examines the conflicting effects that Doi Moi has generated on bilateral relations. It demonstrates that Vietnam’s economic considerations following the adoption of Doi Moi contributed decidedly to the Sino-Vietnamese normalization in 1991 as well as the continuous improvements in bilateral ties ever since. At the same time, Vietnam’s economic activities in the South China Sea and China’s responses have intensified bilateral rivalry and put their ties under considerable strains. The book goes on to argue that Doi Moi has indeed brought Vietnam newfound opportunities to develop a multi-level omni-directional hedging strategy against China. Finally, the book concludes by looking at the prospects of democratization in both countries and assessing the future trajectory of their relations under such circumstances. As the most comprehensive and up-to-date survey of Vietnam’s relations with China over the past thirty years, the book is a useful reference source for academics, policymakers, students, and anyone interested in contemporary Vietnam foreign policy in general and Vietnam–China relations in particular.

The book explores the ways in which Latin American states are capitalizing or failing to capitalize on the initiatives of China in world affairs. The authors hypothesize that a dearth of regional agency and social construction, and a consequent institutional deficit in foreign relations, characterizes Latin America and its inadequate reaction to Chinese agency. The volume includes multiple case studies from eight Latin American countries and discusses the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank’s initiatives and policies. The book will interest scholars, researchers, policy-makers, foreign policy analysts, and graduate students in Latin American and Asian politics as well as development studies and political economy.

This book examines the processes, evolution and consequences of China’s rapid integration into the global economy. Through analyses of Beijing’s international economic engagement in areas such as trade, investment, finance, sustainable development and global economic governance, it highlights the forces shaping China’s increasingly prominent role in the global economic arena. Chapters explore China’s behavior in global economic governance, the interests and motivations underlying China’s international economic initiatives and the influence of politics, including both domestic politics and foreign relations, on the country’s global economic footprint.

Outright trade war between the world’s two largest economies would be devastating to the working people of both countries, as well as destructive to the future of the entire world economy. The costs of conflict between China and the United States far outweigh the current causes of dispute in their economic relationship. These costs would be both direct, in terms of short-term losses of growth and employment, and indirect, in terms of long-term damage to the world trading system, diminishing investment and efficiency. There are points of genuine dispute between the United States and China over their economic interaction. Even if their economic significance is often exaggerated, these are legitimate points of contention and have to be addressed in a constructive manner. The analyses in this volume aim to contribute to a more reality-based consideration of both countries’ enlightened self-interests, which would yield progress on points of dispute in a manner consistent with keeping the world economy open for business.

One of the first analyses of the impact of US-China rivalry on the governance of global trade.

This book takes a fresh look at Chinese political economy at a key inflection point. Facing a more competitive international environment, Chinese reform has shifted from its earlier focus on economic liberalization and political decentralization to a more tightly organized, centralized form of state socialism. The Party-state's vigorous fiscal reaction to the Global Financial Crisis (2008-2009) left the country with a much improved infrastructure and greater sense of national self-assurance. The more monocratic central leadership has redoubled efforts to fight poverty and pollution, push technological innovation, and at the same time rigorously enforce ideological consensus, political loyalty and anticorruption.This has been occurring in an international context of slowing trade and nationalist pushback against 'globalization', prominently including bilateral Chinese-American polarization. While China has been among the staunchest advocates and beneficiaries of globalization, incipient trade war 'decoupling' has spurred movement toward economic and technological self-reliance. Turning inward however vies with a rival impulse toward more vigorous engagement in the world. This is most consequentially represented by the Belt and Road Initiative, driving massive infrastructure construction through Central Asia and the South and Southeast Asian maritime periphery. Despite slowing growth and a large debt overhang, swift recovery from the Covid-19 epidemic leaves China in a relatively strong economic position.

Is the US losing its economic authority to China, whose global economic identity is being determined more by entrepreneurial spirit than developmental principle? Through the exercise of soft power and hard currency in some areas of the global economy, China has clear national interest in the protection of intellectual property rights, financial integration and sovereign wealth funds. China’s Belt and Road Initiative and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank will set new standard to global economic development.