All too often Albania has been considered a relatively minor player in late-19th and early-20th century history. By contrast, this book highlights the significance of this nation and the Albanian question at this time through a detailed analysis of the relationship between Albania, Britain and the Ottoman Empire from 1876 to 1914. Making use of a wide range of archival source materials – some of which are published here in English for the first time – this book explores British foreign policy towards the development of the Albanian national movement and parallel demise of the Ottoman Empire. In doing so it illuminates the objectives of the British government, as well as shining a spotlight on the public opinion of both the British people towards Albanian nationalism and on the reaction of the Albanians towards the British diplomatic position. By looking through such a unique lens, here Daut Dauti is able to provide fresh insight into why the Albanians were not supported by the Great Powers in their national quest in the way that other Balkan countries were and draws significant new conclusions on British, Balkan and Ottoman relations. As such, this nuanced study is vital reading for all scholars interested in modern Albanian history, turn-of-the-century British international relations and the fall of the Ottoman Empire more broadly.

It was by no means evident in the early years of the twentieth century that Albania in southeastern Europe would become an independent country and would join the family of European nations. After five centuries as a part of the Ottoman Empire, the country was hardly noticed by the other peoples of Europe. This was to change at the time of the Balkans Wars (1912-1913) and the London Conference, at which Albania played a central role and where its fate was decided. The present volume brings together British Foreign Office documents focusing on Albania from 1912 to 1914. Among them are the dispatches and private correspondence of the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, who chaired the London Conference and endeavoured to keep peace in Europe at an age when the Great Powers were unwaveringly gravitating towards war and conflagration.

In 'My Mission to London, 1912-1914' by Karl Max Fürst von Lichnowsky, readers are taken on a fascinating journey through the diplomatic intricacies of pre-World War I Europe. Written in a clear and concise style, the book provides valuable insights into the political landscape of the time and Lichnowsky's personal experiences as a German ambassador to the United Kingdom. The detailed descriptions of his meetings with influential figures and his observations of British society make this book a valuable historical document. Lichnowsky's narrative style is engaging and informative, making the complexities of international diplomacy accessible to readers. The literary context of the book places it within the genre of diplomatic memoirs, offering a firsthand account of key events leading up to the outbreak of World War I. Karl Max Fürst von Lichnowsky, a seasoned diplomat and member of the German aristocracy, draws upon his extensive experience in international relations to provide readers with a unique perspective on the events of the time. His nuanced understanding of diplomatic protocol and his ability to navigate political tensions are evident throughout the book. Lichnowsky's background as a diplomat and his keen eye for detail make 'My Mission to London, 1912-1914' a valuable source for historians and general readers interested in the interplay of diplomacy and politics. I highly recommend 'My Mission to London, 1912-1914' to readers interested in a firsthand account of the diplomatic efforts leading up to World War I. Lichnowsky's narrative offers a compelling blend of personal insight and political analysis, shedding light on the complexities of international relations during this pivotal period in history.

Notwithstanding the advantages of physical power, the struggle for survival among societies is not merely a matter of serial armed clashes but of the nation's spiritual resources that in the end always decide upon the victory. In Europe, there indeed exist independent countries, insignificant from the point of view of the entire civilization, and born by sheer coincidence, yet, this coincidence, this fancy, or diplomatic ploy that created them can just as easily bring them to an end---the nations that count in the political calculations are only the enlightened ones. Therefore, our nation should not merely grow in power, strengthen its character, and foster in people the feeling of love for homeland, but also---inasmuch as it is possible---breath the fresh breeze of humanity's general progress, feed it to the nation, absorb its creative energy. Until now, we have trusted and lived only in the weary conditions, conditions devoid of health-giving elements---now, as a result the nation's heart beats too slowly and its mind works too tediously. We ought to open our windows to Europe, to the wind of continental change and allow it to air our sultry home, since as not all health comes from the inside, not all disease comes from the outside.

The thematic collection of papers WAR, PEACE AND NATION­BUILDING (1853– 1918) aims to explore the processes unfolding during peacetime, wartime and conclusion of agreements, when individuals, nations and empires were forming their identities. The intention is to present, through a scientific perspective, the social, political, diplomatic and cultural changes in European societies from the start of the Crimean War until the Versailles Peace Conference, which marked the end of the First World War.

This is an annually updated presentation of each sovereign country in Nordic, Central and Southeastern Europe, past and present.