In a vitally important book for anyone interested in nuclear proliferation, defense strategy, or international security, Matthew Kroenig points out that nearly every country with a nuclear weapons arsenal received substantial help at some point from a more advanced nuclear state. Why do some countries help others to develop nuclear weapons? Many analysts assume that nuclear transfers are driven by economic considerations. States in dire economic need, they suggest, export sensitive nuclear materials and technology—and ignore the security risk—in a desperate search for hard currency. Kroenig challenges this conventional wisdom. He finds that state decisions to provide sensitive nuclear assistance are the result of a coherent, strategic logic. The spread of nuclear weapons threatens powerful states more than it threatens weak states, and these differential effects of nuclear proliferation encourage countries to provide sensitive nuclear assistance under certain strategic conditions. Countries are more likely to export sensitive nuclear materials and technology when it would have the effect of constraining an enemy and less likely to do so when it would threaten themselves. In Exporting the Bomb, Kroenig examines the most important historical cases, including France's nuclear assistance to Israel in the 1950s and 1960s; the Soviet Union's sensitive transfers to China from 1958 to 1960; China's nuclear aid to Pakistan in the 1980s; and Pakistan's recent technology transfers, with the help of "rogue" scientist A. Q. Khan, from 1987 to 2002. Understanding why states provide sensitive nuclear assistance not only adds to our knowledge of international politics but also aids in international efforts to control the spread of nuclear weapons.

The first accessible book to discuss all aspects of nuclear power to help combat climate change and lethal air pollution.

The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) is the largest and most diverse political grouping of states engaged on issues related to nuclear nonproliferation and disarmament. Drawing on the authors first-hand experiences as members of NAM observer-state delegations in NPT and IAEA negotiations, as well as the findings of a larger CNS research project on NAM nuclear politics, the book will provide important new insights about how a small subset of NAM states has tended to dominate NAM politics and have promoted policies that are often at odds with those advanced by Western states on issues such as nuclear terrorism, IAEA safeguards, nuclear export controls, multinational fuel arrangements, proliferation in the Middle East, NPT, and nuclear arms control and disarmament. Based on an analysis of NAM perspectives, politics, and priorities, the book will provide practical recommendations for engaging NAM members in a more constructive fashion on issues related to nuclear nonproliferation, disarmament, peaceful use, and counter-nuclear terrorism. Particular attention will be given to problems likely to be encountered when Iran assumes the chairmanship of NAM in 2012 and how these difficulties can best be mitigated in the lead up to the next NPT Review Conference.

The merits of nuclear trade controls for helping stem proliferation have been strenuously debated for decades. Some have maintained that the policy of secrecy and denial that the United States pursued in the aftermath of Hiroshima and Nagasaki was a failure and that, instead, sharing the peaceful benefits of nuclear energy under nonproliferation controls and conditions has helped build key elements of the global regime to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. Others argue that international nuclear trade increases the risk of nuclear-weapons proliferation. Both viewpoints have merit, and both need to be taken seriously. This report has four main elements. First, it explains the nature and importance of the nonproliferation conditions that the United States requires for its exports of nuclear materials, equipment, and technology as well as dual-use items and technology that have both nuclear and nonnuclear applications. Second, it compares these with the nuclear export controls of other exporting states as reflected in the guidelines of such multilateral arrangements as the Zangger Committee (ZC), the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), and other international agreements and understandings such as the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and, where known, the specific export policies of other individual nuclear-supplier states. Third, it assesses the limits, weaknesses, successes, and failures of nuclear export controls of nuclear suppliers to date. Finally, it identifies the challenges for the future and the role that the United States should play in meeting them.

How have nuclear weapons affected the way countries deal with one another? The Nuclear Revolution answers this question by comparing the nuclear age with previous periods of international history, from the fifth century B.C. to the twentieth century. The Nuclear Revolution offers insightful and provocative perspectives on the Soviet-American nuclear arms race, comparing it with the Anglo-German naval rivalry before World War I and with modern tariff competitions. The work also compares the advent of nuclear weapons with the two other modern revolutions in warfare: Napoleon's military innovations and the industrial warfare of World War I. It assesses the impact of nuclear armaments on the balance of power, alliances, and the behaviour of national leaders. Also included is an analysis of the differences between nuclear weapons and chemical and biological weapons of mass destruction. The concuding chapter, bringing together ideas from history, religion, and psychology, explores the effects that the threat of nuclear annihilation has on everyday life.

This open access book discusses the eroding economics of nuclear power for electricity generation as well as technical, legal, and political acceptance issues. The use of nuclear power for electricity generation is still a heavily disputed issue. Aside from technical risks, safety issues, and the unsolved problem of nuclear waste disposal, the economic performance is currently a major barrier. In recent years, the costs have skyrocketed especially in the European countries and North America. At the same time, the costs of alternatives such as photovoltaics and wind power have significantly decreased.

Why have nuclear weapons not been used since Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945? Nina Tannenwald disputes the conventional answer of 'deterrence' in favour of what she calls a nuclear taboo - a widespread inhibition on using nuclear weapons - which has arisen in global politics. Drawing on newly released archival sources, Tannenwald traces the rise of the nuclear taboo, the forces that produced it, and its influence, particularly on US leaders. She analyzes four critical instances where US leaders considered using nuclear weapons (Japan 1945, the Korean War, the Vietnam War, and the Gulf War 1991) and examines how the nuclear taboo has repeatedly dissuaded US and other world leaders from resorting to these 'ultimate weapons'. Through a systematic analysis, Tannenwald challenges conventional conceptions of deterrence and offers a compelling argument on the moral bases of nuclear restraint as well as an important insight into how nuclear war can be avoided in the future.