The developed countries must encourage Nigeria and other African countries to display responsible leadership that accounts for their actions. This is an attribute of democracy, which involves strict adherence to the constitution of the country involved. Sectional domination of all the strategic positions has never helped development in any country. Any person or group of persons gaining from such should better know that such gain is only momentary. Sectional domination has given yield to high rate of corruption, wastage in human resources, and unnecessary bloodshed among other crimes. The ultimate aim of practical politics is attainment of power. One thing about power is that it carries certain obligations and responsibilities. The initial aim of the seeker may be to serve. Power is supposed to be used as a latent weapon for development and growth, if well managed, but never for destruction. Power is transient and must never be seen to be localized to any section. Otherwise, that system that provides the platform for the welder of such power will one day collapse and disintegrate into its component parts. Therefore, any person or group of persons suggesting or supporting sectional domination is simply encouraging the collapse of that system and should be held responsible for such. The Nigerian politicians and their militarys old game of business-as-usual looting of resources meant that development is better gone forever. Same goes for the sectional military coup coming to the rescue of its civilian government, using constitution drafting and state creation as means of diverting attention for consolidation until the environment is once more conducive for its civilian government. However, in Arthur Nzeribes Nigeria: The Turning Point, he says that leaders must know that politics or leadership is a serious business that involves millions of people. They must, therefore, recognize the significance of seriousness in policy making and must not toy with lives of these millions by altering the sectional domination.

the developed countries must encourage Nigeria and other African countries to display responsible leadership that accounts for their actions. This is an attribute of democracy, which involves strict adherence to the constitution of the country involved. Sectional domination of all the strategic positions has never helped development in any country. Any person or group of persons gaining from such should better know that such gain is only momentary. Sectional domination has given yield to high rate of corruption, wastage in human resources, and unnecessary bloodshed among other crimes. the ultimate aim of practical politics is attainment of power. One thing about power is that it carries certain obligations and responsibilities. the initial aim of the seeker may be to serve. Power is supposed to be used as a latent weapon for development and growth, if well managed, but never for destruction. Power is transient and must never be seen to be localized to any section. Otherwise, that system that provides the platform for the welder of such power will one day collapse and disintegrate into its component parts. Therefore, any person or group of persons suggesting or supporting sectional domination is simply encouraging the collapse of that system and should be held responsible for such. the Nigerian politicians and their military's old game of business-as-usual looting of resources meant that development is better gone forever. Same goes for the sectional military coup coming to the rescue of its civilian government, using constitution drafting and state creation as means of diverting attention for consolidation until the environment is once more conducive for its civilian government. However, in Arthur Nzeribe's Nigeria: the Turning Point, he says that leaders must know that politics or leadership is a serious business that involves millions of people. They must, therefore, recognize the significance of seriousness in policy making and must not toy with lives of these millions by altering the sectional domination.

Most Nigerians, when they talk about Nigeria, will always refer to her with bubbling jingoism as 'giant of Africa' or 'our great nation, Nigeria' but fail to ask 'giant of what?' Goodness or Evil? Productivity or Consumption? Success or Failure? Meritocracy or Mediocrity? Hollowness or Substance? Capturing the "mood of the nation" this book offers diagnosis on the country which are broad-based, instructive and well presented. Part I outlines the developmental stages of Nigeria while Part II gives an in depth diagnosis of the major problems besetting Nigeria, following Part III gives examples of nations and leadership traits Nigeria could emulate.

A powerful collection of sketches, reviews, and papers focusing on issues related to African emancipation. This volume touches on many crucial themes such as Black Consciousness as a reference point of Pan-Africanism and the relationship between race and class, colour as an instrument of African oppression and exploitation, the myth of race and colour and the psychological syndrome of self-hatred that has been transferred from one generation to the next. The means by which African emancipation both on the continent and the Diaspora is to be approached are also examined.

'Nigeria’s Resource Wars' reflects on the diversity of conflicts over access to, and allocation of, resources in Nigeria. From the devastating effects of crude oil exploration in the Niger Delta to desertification caused by climate change, and illegal gold mining in Zamfara, to mention a few, Nigeria faces new dimensions of resource-related struggles. The ravaging effects of these resource conflicts between crop farmers and Fulani herders in Nigeria’s Middlebelt and states across Southern Nigeria call for urgent scholarly interventions; with the Fulani cattle breeders’ onslaught altering the histories of many Nigerian families through deaths, loss of homes and investments, and permanent physical incapacity. Currently, there is an almost total breakdown of interethnic relations, with political commentators acknowledging that Nigeria has never been so divided as it presently is in its history. The struggles have now degenerated into kidnaps, armed robbery, and incessant targeted and random killings across the country; compounding the already complex problem of insecurity in Nigeria. The chapters in this volume engage with these issues, presenting the different arguments on resource conflicts in Nigeria. They draw insights from similar conflicts in Nigeria’s colonial/post-independence past and events from around the world to proffer possible solutions to resource-related confrontations in Africa. By offering a collection of different intellectual perspectives on resource conflicts in Nigeria, this volume will be an important reference material for understanding the diversity of thought patterns that underpin the struggle and policy approaches towards resolving conflict situations in Africa. This volume will be of considerable interest to scholars of Africa, researchers in the humanities, social sciences, and conflict studies, and policymakers interested in understanding the resource crisis in Africa.

Eminent scholars highlight Nigeria¿s contributions to the promotion of peace, democracy, and development, in Africa and beyond, during the five decades since the country achieved independence. The contributors identify both concrete achievements and persistent challenges, as well as offering suggestions for a more effective foreign policy in the quest for a well-defined national interest.

In this collaborative work, three leading historians explore one of the most significant areas of inquiry in modern historiography--the transition from slavery to freedom and what this transition meant for former slaves, former slaveowners, and the societies in which they lived. Their contributions take us beyond the familiar portrait of emancipation as the end of an evil system to consider the questions and the struggles that emerged in freedom's wake. Thomas Holt focuses on emancipation in Jamaica and the contested meaning of citizenship in defining and redefining the concept of freedom; Rebecca Scott investigates the complex struggles and cross-racial alliances that evolved in southern Louisiana and Cuba after the end of slavery; and Frederick Cooper examines the intersection of emancipation and imperialism in French West Africa. In their introduction, the authors address issues of citizenship, labor, and race, in the post-emancipation period and they point the way toward a fuller understanding of the meanings of freedom.

There is no limit to what constitutes heritage. By definition, heritage is the use of the past for present purposes. Yet, to any given group or population, heritage can be a multitude of things and can serve a variety of purposes. Based on shared memory, heritage can be tangible or intangible, boundless in variety and scope: it can be, for example, objects, landscapes, food or clothing, music or dance, sites or statues, monuments or buildings. Importantly, however, heritage also has many and varied uses and powers. It can be used to control, to unite, to engage, and to empower people, communities, and nations. In this interdisciplinary volume, authors from around the world explore how different communities, nations, and groups intentionally and creatively use heritage, both tangible and intangible, in a wide variety of ways to positively address social and environmental issues. Significantly, these studies demonstrate how heritage can be an exceptionally valuable tool for political, economic, and social change. Insightful studies are presented pertaining to heritage as social memory, including the nationalistic political use of heritage, heritage as resistance to political powers, traditional knowledge as environmental science, heritage for legal and community action, heritage for building peace, heritage for Indigenous and minority empowerment, and heritage for exploring the past through phenomenological methods. The goal of this volume is to move beyond seeing heritage as only social memory, a mere interpretation of static past events, people or places, and instead explores critically the variety of ways heritage is engaged in the present and can be in the future.

Neopatrimonialism, a system whereby rulers use state resources for personal benefit and to secure the loyalty of clients in the general population, is central to any teaching or conceptualisation of contemporary African politics. This book is a theoretical and comparative study of neopatrimonialism in Africa and across world regions. Although such practices are widespread in other parts of the world, the African neopatrimonial state has also become a global prototype of the anti-developmental state. This volume calls for a reappraisal of the genesis and interpretations of the concepts of patrimonialism and neopatrimonialism. Expert contributors consider recent debates in Africa through the study of democracy, clientelism, the ‘big man’ syndrome (Kenya), the rise of ‘godfatherism’ (Nigeria), ‘warlordism’ (Liberia) and the neopatrimonial state on a day to day basis (Niger). They discuss patrimonialism and neopatrimonialism from Latin America to Europe, Central Asia and Asia-Pacific, to weave a comparative analysis of the interplay between public policies and private interest. Neopatrimonialism in Africa and Beyond is an important and timely volume that will be of interest to students and scholars of international politics, African studies, sociology and international development.

Case studies demonstrate the spatial disconnect between global consumption and production and its effects on local environmental quality and human rights. Multinational corporations often exploit natural resources or locate factories in poor countries far from the demand for the products and profits that result. Developed countries also routinely dump hazardous materials and produce greenhouse gas emissions that have a disproportionate impact on developing countries. This book investigates how these and other globalized practices exact high social and environmental costs as poor, local communities are forced to cope with depleted resources, pollution, health problems, and social and cultural disruption. Case studies drawn from Africa, Asia, the Pacific Rim, and Latin America critically assess how diverse types of global inequalities play out on local terrains. These range from an assessment of the pros and cons of foreign investment in Fiji to an account of the work of transnational activists combating toxic waste disposal in Mozambique. Taken together, the chapters demonstrate the spatial disconnect between global consumption and production on the one hand and local environmental quality and human rights on the other. The result is a rich perspective not only on the ways industries, governments, and consumption patterns may further entrench existing inequalities but also on how emerging networks and movements can foster institutional change and promote social equality and environmental justice.