This book examines contemporary militant democracies in post-communist states in the European Union. Examining, through case studies, their broader relevance to political, legal, and social structures, this book looks in revealing detail at the struggles between these democratic and anti-democratic actors that share similar historical experiences of contentious politics, communism, and political transformation. It importantly unravels the tension between them, determining which are already authoritarian, and which are teetering on the brink of an anti-democratic breakthrough. Analysing regimes’ continuance trajectories to capture how and what shaped the neo-militant aspects of democracies (neomilitancy) over time, the book accounts for why particular post-communist European neo-militant democracies emerge while others decline or transform into quasi-militant democracies despite transformation, how they differ from each other, what brings about the differences and similarities between them, and how and why they change over time. With right-wing populist parties coming to power on the back of fears associated with economic, social, and cultural globalisation and the misuse of state authorities to strengthen protective measures against threats to democratic institutions, the book represents a timely and important contribution. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of Post-Soviet/Communist/East European Studies, Democratic Backsliding, European and Comparative Politics, Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict, Democracy and Dictatorship, Public Comparative Constitutional Law, Human Rights Law and Political Theory.

This book examines how contemporary militant democracies persist in the face of authoritarian abuses occurring during times of crisis. Focusing on founding members of the European Union, it explores how these democracies implemented anti-democratic measures without compromising their political rights and civil liberty ratings. By expanding the conceptual framework and theory of neo- and quasi-militant democracies through case studies and comparative analysis, the volume offers new insights into factors contributing to democratic endurance. Respective authors shift scholarly attention toward the epistemic construction of anti-democratic restrictions, arguing that epistemic fairness in defining anti-democratic threats plays a crucial role in preventing the erosion of democracy and in doing so enriches our understanding of legal definitions of enemies of democracy and their impact on the stability of political regimes. By investigating restrictions that target old and contemporary threats, it enhances our understanding of how Inner Six democracies survive under attack from populists seeking to expand their ruling competencies after the 2008 economic crisis, the 2015 European refugee crisis, the Covid-19 pandemic, and the Russo-Ukrainian War. This book is of key interest to scholars and students of European and Comparative Politics, Democratic Resilience and Backsliding, Legitimacy, Democracy and Dictatorship, Public Comparative Constitutional Law, Human Rights Law, Philosophy of Law, Political Philosophy and Theory.

As public order policing become more prominently widespread so is the need to better explain why some instances of collective action transform into civil disorder. In this book, Joanna Rak advances a middle-range theory to better explain the sources of civil disorder in one of the pandemic-ridden regions of the European Union, the post-communist states. Supported by systematic empirical evidence of protest policing in 11 countries in the region, Rak delves analytically into conditions of civil disorder in each state to test the hypotheses and offer an explanation. The analysis begins by discussing the demonstration events from the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project database. She then identifies conditions of civil disorder development for each demonstration event, including police partisanship, the dimensions of protest policing, and the aggregate model of protest policing. The comparative analysis sheds light on the conditions under which collective action transforms into civil disorder and the outcomes vital for managing the relationship between law enforcement and public gatherings in a way that ensures the safe practice of civil rights. Pandemic-Era Civil Disorder in Post-Communist EU Member States offers a thought-provoking and nuanced understanding of civil order and democratic struggles in the region and will interest students and researchers of comparative politics, contentious politics, democratic theory, civil society, and post-communism.

This book explores the effect of the pandemic on human rights; civil and political rights (CPR); economic, social, and cultural rights (ESCR); and freedoms around the world. The COVID-19 pandemic radically changed many aspects of the lives of individuals and entire societies. This crisis and the unprecedented experience required extraordinary solutions, regulations, and rapid responses from decision-makers to limit the spread of the disease and protect societies. To this end, during this period, many countries chose to impose states of emergency, resulting in the granting of extraordinary powers to the executive. This has sometimes been a very convenient pretext for introducing various types of restrictions, oppressive surveillance, and other legal arrangements that can be qualified as human rights violations. The authors make a scholarly summary of this period, identifying possible rights violations — but above all — recommendations for the future. This crisis has shown how important it is to have universal, equitable health and social protection systems that cover all community members equally and without discrimination, and the authors remodel the concept of "human rights" and "human needs". The book covers varied examples from lockdowns to vaccination to information control, across Spain, Poland, South Africa and Uganda, the Czech Republic, Belarus and Ukraine, and Russia. This book will appeal to higher-level students and scholars of law, political science, and international relations and will also be helpful for public policymakers at national and international levels.

The Routledge Handbook of Language and Mind Engineering is a comprehensive work that delves into the complex interplay between language, culture, politics, and media in shaping the human mind. The book is divided into five main sections, each exploring different aspects of mind engineering: I. Political Mind Engineering; II. Commercial Mind Engineering; III. Media, Culture, and Mind Engineering; IV. Linguistic and Semiotic Analysis of Mind Engineering; V. Mind Engineering in Educational Settings. The book provides a multi-dimensional perspective on how language, media, culture, and politics intersect to shape individuals' thoughts and beliefs. It highlights the diverse methods and contexts in which mind engineering occurs, making it a valuable resource for scholars, researchers, and policymakers interested in understanding the complexities of contemporary discourse and manipulation of human thought. The contents of this cutting-edge handbook will engage all undergraduate, postgraduate, PhD students and scholars, and researchers at all levels, in fields such as languages, linguistics, politics, communication studies, media studies, and psychology. Chapter 15 of this book is freely available as a downloadable Open Access PDF at http://www.taylorfrancis.com under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) International license. Chapter 17 of this book is freely available as a downloadable Open Access PDF at http://www.taylorfrancis.com under a Creative Commons Attribution‐Non Commercial‐No Derivatives (CC‐BY‐NC‐ND) 4.0 license. Chapter 18 of this book is freely available as a downloadable Open Access PDF at http://www.taylorfrancis.com under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND) 4.0 license.

The COVID-19 pandemic demonstrated that unexpected and unpredictable situations can hinder the conduct of general elections around the world. The book is a comprehensive analysis of the organization of elections during the COVID-19 pandemic. In addition to the theoretical perspective, it familiarizes the public with specific electoral solutions adopted during the pandemic in selected European countries (Italy, Germany, Lithuania, Serbia, Russia, Czech Republic, Estonia, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Poland). The editors believe that this book will bring closer the specific solutions adopted in the considered countries during the COVID-19 pandemic and provide readers with a multi-faceted understanding of elections in emergency situations. Contributors are: Roman Bäcker, Ryszard Balicki, Piotr Chrobak, Rafał Dudała, Kamil Glinka, Maciej Górny, Maciej Hartliński, Marcin Jastrzębski, Izabela Kapsa, Agnieszka Kasińska-Metryka, Joanna Kielin-Maziarz, Jakub Klepański, Oliwia Kowalik, Krzysztof Koźbiał, Aleksandra Kuczyńska-Zonik, Natalia Kusa, Elżbieta Lesiewicz, Natasza Lubik-Reczek, Agnieszka Łukasik-Turecka, Paweł Malendowicz, Martinas Maluzinas, Radosław Marzęcki, Magdalena Musiał-Karg, Adam Pluszczyk, Agata Pyrzyńska, Marcin Rachwał, Joanna Rak, Kamila Sierzputowska, Krzysztof Skotnicki, Piotr Walewicz, Jacek Wojnicki, and Waldemar Wojtasik.

This analysis of the Yugoslav democratisation process explains the variation of regime outcomes within a structuralist framework. Focusing on the post‐socialist world, it goes beyond ethnicity and elite agency to bring the role of class and the state into discussions of third wave democracies. Offering an in‐depth study of four post‐Yugoslav cases and relying on extensive field work, it examines how civil society, state structures and elite agency influence the trajectories of Croatia, North Macedonia, Serbia and Slovenia after the end of socialism. The analysis also considers the impact of the European Union on domestic conditions. The author argues that no single factor explains the occurrence of democracy. It is instead the result of the combination of an autonomous civil society, a non‐captured state and ruling elites willing to implement democratic reforms. Concomitant with this, the analysis provides evidence that the only sufficient condition for the occurrence of democracy is non‐captured state structures. State capacity, therefore, plays a central role in democratisation. This book will be of interest to scholars and students of Eastern Europe, Southeastern Europe, the EU and democratisation, as well as to policymakers and nongovernmental organisations.

This book is a collection of contributions by leading scholars on theoretical and contemporary problems of militant democracy. The term 'militant democracy' was first coined in 1937. In a militant democracy preventive measures are aimed, at least in practice, at restricting people who would openly contest and challenge democratic institutions and fundamental preconditions of democracy like secularism - even though such persons act within the existing limits of, and rely on the rights offered by, democracy. In the shadow of the current wars on terrorism, which can also involve rights restrictions, the overlapping though distinct problem of militant democracy seems to be lost, notwithstanding its importance for emerging and established democracies. This volume will be of particular significance outside the German-speaking world, since the bulk of the relevant literature on militant democracy is in the German language. The book is of interest to academics in the field of law, political studies and constitutionalism.

This Report consists of two main parts devoted to Poland’s and Hungary’s remembering of and dealing with the past, including with the use of memory laws and other deployments of legal and extra-legal means in historical policy, including soft law. It also discusses relevant domestic courts’ jurisprudence. The report situates these practices against European human rights law standards, inferred from the ECtHR case law. The aim of this exercise is capturing the dynamics of the Polish and Hungarian state’s relationship to the past after 1989 in a concise form and examine the current legal framework. The Polish and Hungarian sections are structured around common themes. In what follows, we shall discuss mnemonic constitutionalism, the institutionalisation of mnemonic governance, memorialisation of the Second World War and the Holocaust, reckoning with communism, education, and memory. The report includes discussions of political, social, and cultural factors that contextualise the legal framework. The final part concludes with broader reflections on the state of Polish and Hungarian memocracies, understood as constitutional and political regimes based on references to the past and a specific form of governance of historical memory. The report is supplemented by Conclusions and Recommendations addressed to a wide range of players and participants of public deliberations over history and the past, including lawmakers on domestic and European level, academia, and the civil society.

This book provides a systematic overview and in-depth analysis of the effects of rebel group inclusion on democracy following the end of conflict across the globe. It examines different types of rebel groups, addressing the subject matter through the lens of three dimensions – democracy, stability and governance – which structure the book and the individual chapters. As such, it affords a rare opportunity to bring together two heretofore separate research traditions – conflict studies and political parties. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of political parties and party theory, civil wars and peacebuilding, democratization studies and state building and more broadly to comparative politics, development studies, and security studies.