Negotiating Statehood: Dynamics of Power and Domination in Africa provides a conceptual framework for analysing dynamic processes of state-making in Africa. Features a conceptual framework which provides a method for analysing the everyday making, contestation, and negotiation of statehood in contemporary Africa Conceptualizes who negotiates statehood (the actors, resources and repertoires), where these negotiation processes take place, and what these processes are all about ncludes a collections of essays that provides empirical and analytical insights into these processes in eight different country studies in Africa Critically reflects on the negotiability of statehood in Africa

From the Madrid Invitation in 1991 to the introduction of the Oslo process in 1993 to the present, a negotiated settlement has remained the dominant leitmotiv of peacemaking between Israel and the Palestinian people. That the parties have chosen negotiations means that either side's failure to comply with its obligation to negotiate can result in an internationally wrongful act and, in response, countermeasures and other responses. This monograph seeks to advance our understanding of the international law of negotiation and use this as a framework for assessing the Israeli–Palestinian dispute, with the Palestinian people's unsuccessful attempt to join the United Nations as a Member State in autumn 2011 and the successful attempt to join the same institution as a non-Member Observer State in November 2012 providing a case study for this. The legal consequences of these applications are not merely of historical interest; they inform the present rights and obligations of Israel and the Palestinian people. This work fills a significant gap in the existing international law scholarship on the Israeli–Palestinian dispute, which neither engages with this means of dispute settlement generally nor does so specifically within the context of the Palestinian people's engagements with international institutions. 'Based on primary research, this book explores materials that were not analyzed before. It treats a highly political issue with scientific objectivity that strikes a balance between various points of view. The book will be an essential reading to all those involved in peace studies, international negotiations and Israeli-Palestinian conflict'. Mutaz M Qafisheh, Associate Professor of International Law, Hebron University. 'A compelling and innovative account of the legal aspects of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict: a must read.' Efraim Karsh, King's College London and Bar-Ilan University, author of Palestine Betrayed. 'A superbly imagined and executed study on Palestine that puts the 'negotiation imperative' at the heart of its narrative, fully interrogating the involvement of public international law at each step of the long and layered history that is vigorously brought to life in these pages. A study that also promises texture, nuance, and depth to the legal analysis it offers-and it delivers handsomely on each of these fronts.' -Dino Kritsiotis, Chair of Public International Law & Head of the International Humanitarian Law Unit, University of Nottingham.

Democratic and consolidated states are taken as the model for effective rule-making and service provision. In contrast, this book argues that good governance is possible even without a functioning state.

This is the first critical analysis of the international attempts to settle the Kosovo crisis, written from first hand insights of the settlement attempts. It covers several strands of analysis, including the tension between state sovereignty and humanitarian concerns, and the role of the threat or use of force in coercive international diplomacy.

This study provides empirically based insights into the relationship between war, statehood and peaceful conflict resolution during the second Sudanese civil war and following the independence of South Sudan 2011. Several influencing factors have been identified: the dynamics of political and ethnic conflict; the authoritarian character of the former rebel movement (SPLM); the role of the church and of traditional leaders in local peace processes; and how the enormous presence of international aid organizations has affected both war and statehood. The empirical findings suggest that South Sudan is not an example of state failure, but rather part of a broader process of state formation. As such, this collection argues that state-building is indeed possible during war. The analysis of the independent South Sudan post-2011 illustrates that the country is still struck by strong political and ethnic conflicts and continued violence. This is a book that is relevant and full of insights for social scientists and practitioners of development co-operation.

Unpacking the major debates, this Oxford Handbook brings together leading authors of the field to provide a state-of-the-art guide to governance in areas of limited statehood where state authorities lack the capacity to implement and enforce central decision and/or to uphold the monopoly over the means of violence. While areas of limited statehood can be found everywhere - not just in the global South -, they are neither ungoverned nor ungovernable. Rather, a variety of actors maintain public order and safety, as well as provide public goods and services. While external state 'governors' and their interventions in the global South have received special scholarly attention, various non-state actors - from NGOs to business to violent armed groups - have emerged that also engage in governance. This evidence holds for diverse policy fields and historical cases. The Handbook gives a comprehensive picture of the varieties of governance in areas of limited statehood from interdisciplinary perspectives including political science, geography, history, law, and economics. 29 chapters review the academic scholarship and explore the conditions of effective and legitimate governance in areas of limited statehood, as well as its implications for world politics in the twenty-first century. The authors examine theoretical and methodological approaches as well as historical and spatial dimensions of areas of limited statehood, and deal with the various governors as well as their modes of governance. They cover a variety of issue areas and explore the implications for the international legal order, for normative theory, and for policies toward areas of limited statehood.

This collection of essays focusses on the following concepts: sovereignty (the unique, intangible and yet essential characteristic of states), statehood (what it means to be a state, and the process of acquiring or losing statehood) and state responsibility (the legal component of what being a state entails). The unifying theme is that they have always been and will in the future continue to form a crucial part of the foundations of public international law. While many publications focus on new actors in international law such as international organisations, individuals, companies, NGOs and even humanity as a whole, this book offers a timely, thought-provoking and innovative reappraisal of the core actors on the international stage: states. It includes reflections on the interactions between states and non-state actors and on how increasing participation by and recognition of the latter within international law has impacted upon the role and attributes of statehood.

A comprehensive study of war, population and statehood in Eastern Europe and Russia, 1918-1924.

If governments of Australia agreed to share power with Aboriginal people, what would the result be? And if Australia was to have a settlement or a treaty with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders, what would a treaty deal with and how would a treaty affect the general public? Is there anything beyond a treaty?Treaty and Statehood: Aboriginal Self-determination, by Aboriginal author Michael Mansell, answers these questions and more. Mansell examines the New Zealand model of designated Māori seats and applies the idea to comprise 12 Indigenous Senators in Australia. He argues designated seats and a treaty are constitutionally permissible, and details the possible content for a treaty. He discusses the meaning of self-determination and its limitations, and also thoroughly reviews Aboriginal sovereignty and its function in a modern Australia.The book critically examines the legality of designated seats, treaty, sharing of power and autonomous communities. The legal examination is broken down into easy-to-understand language. Ultimately, Mansell looks at whether justice can best be served to Aboriginal people through a new State of Australia.This new idea of a seventh State - or First State for the First peoples, as the author prefers - is constitutionally legal. Its practicality is also critically examined, including the rights each Aboriginal community or 'nation' would have under statehood.This is a book that answers our query about what reconciliation ultimately means and how it can be achieved."His strongly expressed opinions are always sincere and soundly argued: they may appear at first provocative or over-idealistic, but just wait; in years to come they are likely to be seen as a prescient articulation of a way forward for securing the dignity of our first Australians." - Geoffrey Robertson QC, from the ForewordIn the media...An Indigenous seventh state: a radical idea from a constitutional conservative, Stan Grant, ABC News, 3 Jun 2017 Read article...New book examines 'justice', Jillian Mundy, The Koori Mail, 25 January 2017 Read article...Aboriginal lawyer and activist Michael Mansell has written a new book, Holly Monery, The Examiner, 28 December 2016 Read article...Mansell draws new boundaries for Aboriginal state, Wendy Caccetta, National Indigenous Times, 21 December 2016 Read article...Treaty's benefits, Opinion Letter by Michael Mansell, The Australian, 19 December 2016 Read letter...Indigenous spending to double, warns Michael Mansell, Stephen Fitzpatrick, The Australian, 16 December 2016 Read article...Michael Mansell on Sky News, The Bolt Report with Andrew Bolt, 15 December 2016 Listen to interview...Australia should create seventh state run by Indigenous people, lawyer Michael Mansell says, Dan Conifer, ABC News, 14 December 2016 Read article...

Over the last thirty years, historiography has amply illustrated the ways in which modern statehood is linked to a specific form of governmentality characterized by increasing social penetration and control of peoples' everyday daily lives. State tools included a variety of institutions, such as public education, mandatory military conscription, welfare and were served by complex bureaucratic organizations. As the Ottoman Empire was negotiating both its geopolitical survival and its own form of modern statehood, it tried to control the populations within its realm by instrumentalizing and simultaneously institutionalizing religious communities, thus producing an imperial state formation pattern that was both similar and distinct from other imperial or colonial projects. The existence of the religious communities and the functioning of the Ottoman state on their basis, made the passage from the Ottoman imperial structure to successor national and colonial states a complex process. This volume aims to explore various aspects of the communal organization in the Ottoman Empire for regions such as Asia Minor, Middle East and the Balkans, and to present the changes that occurred within the religious communities during the nineteenth century and particularly during the period running from the Tanzimat reforms to the First World War. Some of the key questions tackled in this volume are: How does the Sublime Porte understand the process of structuring a modern state with respect to religious communities? Who is responsible for modern institutions and why? Are religious actors being re-active or pro-active to the evolutions taking place on the state realm? Is the institutionalization of the religious communities best understood through a top-down institutional approach or thanks to a bottom-up analysis of the various agents' strategies and interests? What is the legacy of the Ottoman debates and institutions once a territory has transformed into a national or colonial frame.