This is a study of Li Hung-chang which represents a collaboration of Li experts among Chinese and Western scholars. The biography examines the beginnings of China's modernisation; the Confucian as a patriot and pragmatist; his formative years, 1823-1866; and other aspects of his life.

Li Hung-chang (1823-1901) was a Chinese statesman particularly notable for his promotion of industrialization and advocacy of bureaucratic reform. Most of the papers in this volume were first presented in two panels devoted to Li at the 1987 annual meeting of the Pacific Coast Branch of the American Historical Association. The volume is divided into six parts: introduction ("The Beginnings of China's Modernization"), the rise of Li Hung-chang, Li in the role of a national official, Li as diplomat, Li as modernizer, and conclusion (including a bibliographical essay). Paper edition (unseen), $22.50. Annotation copyright by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR

This is a study of Li Hung-chang which represents a collaboration of Li experts among Chinese and Western scholars. The biography examines the beginnings of China's modernisation; the Confucian as a patriot and pragmatist; his formative years, 1823-1866; and other aspects of his life.

A look at the life of Shen Pao-chen who devoted his life to building China's first modern naval dockyard and academy. His successes and failures shed new light on the story of China's efforts at modernisation.

Ma Jianzhong was a close adviser to the powerful Qing government official, Li Hong-zhang, and wrote several essays between 1878 and 1890 outlining his plans for economic and administrative reform. He was the first Chinese to advocate the creation of a specialized and professional diplomatic corps. His contribution to the late nineteenth-century Chinese discourse on the state and the economy has hitherto been neglected. Paul Bailey's translation of his essays will contribute to a wider understanding of the origins and circulation of reform ideas in the late Qing.

Laurits Andersen was a Danish tobacco entrepreneur and prominent businessman in China from the 1880s until his death in 1928. He was the manager of the American trading firm Mustard & Co. in Shanghai, introducing machine-produced cigarettes to the Chinese market in the late 1800s, at a time when cigarettes were gaining enormous popularity elsewhere in the world. He attained late fame in his native Denmark when shortly before his death he donated a large sum of money to the National Museum, which he had visited frequently as a boy. Laurits Andersen was born in a small village near Elsinore, Denmark, in 1849, and grew up in Copenhagen where he worked as an apprentice at a machine works. From 1870, he lived in East Asia, experiencing wars and revolutions and forming close bonds with the political elite in Imperial China. Laurits Andersen is a role model for later generations, displaying the courage to seek ones fortunes overseas, and showing that with drive, diligence, and willpower, and a preparedness to venture down untrodden paths, one can achieve ambitious goals.

In the Modernization of China, an interdisciplinary team of scholars collaborate closely to provide the first systematic, integrated analysis of China in transformation--from an agrarian-based to an urbanized and industrialized society. Moving from the legacy of the Ming and Ch'ing dynasties to the reforms and revolutions of the 20th century, the authors seek reasons for China's inability to achieve rapid, steady growth during a 200 year-long struggle to modernize. They examine the changing shape of Chinese society: the role of the state in local politics; military affairs; economics; the development of the educational system; changes in family; population, and settlement patterns; science and technology; world views and foreign relations. And they make frequent comparisons between China's experience with growth and that of two other latecomers to modernization, Japan and Russia. The result is a book that brings much-needed clarity and perspective to our understanding of China, and the way a great civilization attempts to meet the challenge of modernity.

What should we make of claims by members of other groups to have moralities different from our own? Human Rights in Chinese Thought gives an extended answer to this question in the first study of its kind. It integrates a full account of the development of Chinese rights discourse - reaching back to important, though neglected, origins of that discourse in 17th and 18th century Confucianism - with philosophical consideration of how various communities should respond to contemporary Chinese claims about the uniqueness of their human rights concepts. The book elaborates a plausible kind of moral pluralism and demonstrates that Chinese ideas of human rights do indeed have distinctive characteristics, but it nonetheless argues for the importance and promise of cross-cultural moral engagement.

This book explores how steam engine technology was transferred into nineteenth-century China in the second half of the nineteenth century by focusing on the transmission of knowledge and skills. It takes on the long-term problem in historiography that puts too much emphasis on politics but ignores the techno-scientific and institutional requirements for launching such an endeavor. It examines how translations broke linguistic and conceptual barriers and brought new a understanding of heat to the Chinese readership. It also explores how the Fuzhou Navy Yard’s shipbuilding and training program trained China’s first generation of shipbuilding workers and engineers. It argues that conservatism against technology was not to blame for China’s slow development in steamship building. Rather, it was government officials’ failure to realize the scale of institutional and techno-scientific changes required in importing and disperse new knowledge and skills.

"[A] smart take on modern Chinese nationalism" (Foreign Policy), this provocative account shows that "China"--and its 5,000 years of unified history--is a national myth, created only a century ago with a political agenda that persists to this day China's current leadership lays claim to a 5,000-year-old civilization, but "China" as a unified country and people, Bill Hayton argues, was created far more recently by a small group of intellectuals. In this compelling account, Hayton shows how China's present-day geopolitical problems--the fates of Hong Kong, Taiwan, Tibet, Xinjiang, and the South China Sea--were born in the struggle to create a modern nation-state. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, reformers and revolutionaries adopted foreign ideas to "invent' a new vision of China. By asserting a particular, politicized version of the past the government bolstered its claim to a vast territory stretching from the Pacific to Central Asia. Ranging across history, nationhood, language, and territory, Hayton shows how the Republic's reworking of its past not only helped it to justify its right to rule a century ago--but continues to motivate and direct policy today.