Cordial relations with neighboring countries are important to any country and are considered a strategic policy in international arena. Any country, as a member of the international community, has common land or sea borders with other countries and, of course, no country actually chooses its neighbors. As a result, it is situated in unwanted surroundings in which it cannot eliminate neighboring states. Therefore, it has to engage in suitable and constructive interaction with its neighbors. Of course, it should be noted that having good and constructive relations with neighbors is a strategic element of foreign policies of all countries. Those neighbors can potentially offer opportunities or pose threats to any given country. Moreover, diplomatic relations between countries are divided in two totally different types. The first type of relationship is a one-sided relationship in which priority is given to the interests of a powerful and hegemonic country. On the other side, the interests of the other country which is under domination of the powerful one are not usually met. This kind of relation is usually unstable and as the power of the dominated country increases, the relations do not continue in the past form and may even be severed. The second type of relations is a bilateral one in which equal attention is paid to the interests of both countries. Of course, the benefits of two countries may not be really equal in such a relationship, but relations are generally to the benefit of both sides and are usually more lasting and sustainable than the first type. It should be noted that no country restricts its diplomacy to establishment of relations with neighboring countries alone. In addition to neighbors, it will also establish relations with other countries which sway influence in international arena. Foreign policy of every country revolves around two main pivots. The first pivot is having good relations with the neighboring countries with the second one being establishment of cordial ties with powerful and influential international players or those which can help the country meet its national interests. Focus on one of these groups will never obviate the need for a country’s foreign policy to pay due attention to the other group. Iran has shared more common grounds with the Middle Eastern and Persian Gulf countries and, therefore, relations with those countries have been important to Iran and a matter of high attention. Here, we will focus on Iran's foreign policy approaches toward its northern neighbors. Iran's relations with its northern neighbors including Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan and Armenia have been of the second type. This means that Iran's relations with these countries have been two-way. In this type of relationship, common interests should be defined first before relations can be formed around them so that both countries will be benefited by these relations and mutual benefit will help relations to be sustained. This is a general picture of diplomatic relations between Iran and these countries Central Asian Republics emerged as self-governing sovereign countries in December, 1991 as a consequence of Soviet dissolution. Central Asia lies at the heart of Eurasian continent and utterly land-locked and geographically encircled by Russia (in the north), the Eastern Europe (in the west), Turkey, Iran, Afghanistan (in the south) and China (in the east). Any power which has a foothold or deep influence in Central Asia can have close watch to the important neighboring areas. Therefore, the region bears great geo-strategic importance. Its geo-economic importance is mainly because of the presence of vast oil and natural gas resources. Iran perceives the Central Asian region as an arena for reducing its own isolation. Hoping to make itself an attractive partner to these states, Iran has been cautious in supporting radical Islamic opposition movements in the region. Several Central Asian States (CAS), are proceeding with or contemplating energy projects that transit Iran. Prior to the disintegration of Soviet Union, the Caspian Sea was under the combined ownership of Soviet Union and Iran but the emergence of three new states, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan bordering the Caspian Sea has made the situation complex. The exclusive rights of Russia and Iran have come to be challenged. The largest oil and gas reserves are situated within the territory of these three former Soviet Republics. Iran and Turkmenistan enjoy a common cosmology and mythology through the concept of “Turan-o-Iran” a traditional mode of spatial sub division. Actually, Turan is a Persian term to designate north eastern Iran. The Iranian and Turkmen people share a great deal of traditions like the Navruz. Availability of ethnic minorities on both of the border is one of the factors facilitating close contacts between Turkmenistan and Iran. Iran has gained invaluable geopolitical advantages that may lead it to increase in its power as major player in the Turkmenistan region in the near future. Iran shares a common border with Turkmenistan. The Caspian dimension is also an important factor of the relations between Iran and Turkmenistan . They have a lengthy border; they share historic, religious, and civilization commonalty stretching back for centuries. Advancing relations with Turkmenistan, Iran is being quite pragmatic. It is after strengthening of its positions in the region and benefiting from availability of hydrocarbons in the neighboring countries and from its convenient geopolitical site at the crossroads of transit ways. Turkmen population of the northern provinces of Iran is a factor that facilitates neighborly relations. Geographically Iran and Turkmenistan play a vital role in linking Caspian Sea to the Persian Gulf. It is the only country, which has access to Persian Gulf and Arabian Sea ports since the mid 1990s. Turkmenistan is also aware about Iran which has a very sensitive political relationship with the West, more particularly with the United States, which has alleged that Iran provides extensive support to terrorist groups. There is also a dispute about its nuclear program, which allegedly violates the terms of Non-Proliferation Treaty. Despite several difficulties and hurdles, Turkmenistan also sees the Iranian policy in relation to this region has proved durable. In the first place, Iranian policy has vastly improved its relations with Russia, despite the potential contradictions in the Iranian and Russian policy towards Central Asia and the Caspian region. Both countries have evolved a strategic partnership with significant military and nuclear components. Secondly, they share increasing aspiration to influence the development of oil and gas resources in the Caspian Sea. Iran has signed agreements with Turkmenistan, Russia, Ukraine, and China and trying to develop relations with Iran in this respect. However, due to the limited capacity of gas pipelines and the lack of any alternative export routes for natural gas, Turkmenistan requires to develop socio-economic and political relations with Iran. Iran sees Turkmenistan as transit route to rest of the Central Asian region. The construction of a 200 kilometer pipeline between the Turkmenistan town of Korpedzhe and Kord-Kuy in Iran assured the export of 8 billion cubic meters of gas each year into Iran’s network. With Iranian financing, this pipeline is expected to become part of a larger system for exporting Turkmen gas to Turkey. The steady improvement of Turkmenistan’s relations with Iran in the sphere of gas transport was symbolized by the joint decision in the summer of 2006 to increase Turkmenistan’s annual export to the Iranian grid to 14 billion cubic meters. As we know that Turkmen population of the northern provinces of Iran is also an important factor that facilitates neighborly socio-economic and political relations between Turkmenistan and Iran. The attraction both countries experience towards each other stems from the lack of choice, which is a distinct feature of the Iranian and Turkmen relations. Both countries are having active bilateral contacts because they have a lengthy border, they share historic, religious, and civilizational commonalty stretching back to centuries.Iran and Turkmenistan have interest to develop their relations for three reasons-firstly, to build ties with the neighbouring states for social, economic and political reasons in order to leave the area free for its rivals. Secondly, to break its isolation from the Gulf and the Near Eastern areas and thirdly, to become active in their region by launching its foreign policy and by reinvigorating its regional diplomacy. To achieve these objectives Turkmenistan and Iran have been intensely active in their bilateral relations.

A comprehensive but concise overview of Iran's politics, economy, military, foreign policy, and nuclear program. The volume chronicles U.S.-Iran relations under six American presidents and probes five options for dealing with Iran. Organized thematically, this book provides top-level briefings by 50 top experts on Iran (both Iranian and Western authors) and is a practical and accessible "go-to" resource for practitioners, policymakers, academics, and students, as well as a fascinating wealth of information for anyone interested in understanding Iran's pivotal role in world politics.

Contents: (1) Background of the Iran Sanctions Act (ISA): Key Provisions: ¿Triggers¿ and Available Sanctions; Waiver and Termination Authority; Iran Freedom Support Act Amendments; Effectiveness and Ongoing Challenges: Energy Routes and Refinery Investment: Refinery Construction; Significant Purchase Agreements; Efforts in the 110th and 111th Congress to Expand ISA Application; Other Energy-Related Sanctions Ideas; (2) Relationships to Other U.S. Sanctions: Ban on U.S. Trade and Investment With Iran; Treasury Department ¿Targeted Financial Measures¿; Terrorism-Related Sanctions; Executive Order 13224; Proliferation-Related Sanctions; Efforts to Promote Divestment; Blocked Iranian Property and Assets. Tables.

Both Turkey and Iran are large and important countries in the Middle East; how these two countries relate to each other is of crucial importance both for the region and for the wider world. This book explores the diplomatic, security and energy relations of these two middle power states since 1979, analysing the impact of religious, political and social transformation on their bilateral relationship. It considers the nature of Turkey-Iran relations in the context of middle power relations theory, and goes on to look at diplomatic crises that have taken place between Turkey and Iran since 1979. The author analyses Turkey and Iran’s security relations with the wider Middle East, including the Kurdish-Turkish War, the Kurdish-Iranian War and the Kurdish-Arab War, and their impact on regional politics.

Global consumption of natural gas is generally expected to double by 2030. However, in the areas of highest-expected demand, the consumption of gas is expected to far outstrip indigenous supplies. This book explores the political challenges which may accompany a shift to a gas-fed world.

Iran's foreign policy is the product of many, and sometimes competing, factors: the ideology of Iran's Islamic revolution; Iranian leadership's perception of threats to the regime and to the country; long-standing Iranian national interests; and the interaction of the Iranian regime's various factions and constituencies. Some experts assert that the goal of Iran's foreign policy is to overturn a power structure in the Middle East that Iran asserts favors the United States and its allies Israel, Saudi Arabia, and other Sunni Muslim Arab regimes. Iran characterizes its support for Shiite and other Islamist movements as support for the "oppressed" and asserts that Saudi Arabia, in particular, is instigating sectarian tensions and trying to exclude Iran from regional affairs. Others interpret Iran's foreign policy as primarily an attempt to protect Iran from U.S. or other efforts to invade or intimidate Iran or to change its regime. Its foreign policy might, alternatively or additionally, represent an attempt to enhance Iran's international prestige or restore a sense of "greatness" reminiscent of the ancient Persian empires. From 2010 until 2016, Iran's foreign policy also focused on attempting to mitigate the effects of international sanctions on Iran. Iran employs a number of different tools in pursuing its foreign policy. Some Iranian policy tools are common to most countries: traditional diplomacy and the public promotion of Iran's values and interests. Iran also has financially supported regional politicians and leaders. Other tools Tehran uses pose significant challenges to U.S. policy: Iran provides direct material support to armed groups, some of which use terrorism to intimidate or retaliate against Israel or other regional opponents of Iran. Iran's armed support to Shiite-dominated allied governments, such as those of Syria and Iraq, has aggravated challenges from Sunni insurgent groups by fueling Sunni popular resentment. Iran's foreign policy overwhelmingly focuses on the Near East region, including on U.S. operations, allies, and activities in that region. It is that region where all the various components of Iran's foreign policy interact. Iran's foreign policy also seems to be directed at influencing the policies and actions of big powers, such as those in Europe as well as Russia, that are active in the Near East-either as partners or antagonists of U.S. interests in that region. Some experts forecast that Iran's foreign policy would shift after international sanctions were eased in January 2016 in accordance with the July 2015 multilateral nuclear agreement with Iran (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, JCPOA). Some asserted that the additional financial resources would cause Iran to try to expand its regional influence further. Others assessed that the nuclear agreement would cause Iran to moderate its regional behavior in order not to jeopardize the agreement and its benefits. U.S. officials and U.S. reports assert that there has been no observable alteration of Iran's pursuit of its core regional activities, particularly to materially support friendly governments and pro-Iranian factions. However, Iran is using the nuclear agreement to ease its international diplomatic isolation and to try to develop itself as a regional energy and trade hub. Supreme Leader Ali Khamene'i and key hardline institutions, such as the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), appear to have blocked any compromises of Iran's core foreign policy goals, while at the same time allowing Iran to re-integrate into regional and international diplomacy.

Reflecting the particular concerns of each of the Caspian countries, this book offers a unique perspective on the prospects and priorities for long-term development round the Caspian basin.

"In July 2007, the European Union initiated a fundamentally new approach to the countries of Central Asia. The launch of the EU Strategy for Central Asia signals a qualitative shift in the Union's relations with a region of the world that is of growing importance as a supplier of energy, is geographically situated in a politically sensitive area - between China, Russia, Iran, Afghanistan and the south Caucasus - and contains some of the most authoritarian political regimes in the world. In this volume, leading specialists from Europe, the United States and Central Asia explore the key challenges facing the European Union as it seeks to balance its policies between enhancing the Union's energy, business and security interests in the region while strengthening social justice, democratisation efforts and the protection of human rights. With chapters devoted to the Union's bilateral relations with Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and Tajikistan and to the vital issues of security and democratisation, 'Engaging Central Asia' provides the first comprehensive analysis of the EU's strategic initiative in a part of the world that is fast emerging as one of the key regions of the 21st century."--BOOK JACKET.

Now included at the end of the book is a link for a web-based program, PDFs and MP3 sound files for each chapter. Over 350 pages .... Developed by I Corps Foreign Language Training Center Fort Lewis, WA For the Special Operations Forces Language Office United States Special Operations Command LANGUAGE TRAINING The ability to speak a foreign language is a core unconventional warfare skill and is being incorporated throughout all phases of the qualification course. The students will receive their language assignment after the selection phase where they will receive a language starter kit that allows them to begin language training while waiting to return to Fort Bragg for Phase II. The 3rd Bn, 1st SWTG (A) is responsible for all language training at the USAJFKSWCS. The Special Operations Language Training (SOLT) is primarily a performance-oriented language course. Students are trained in one of ten core languages with enduring regional application and must show proficiency in speaking, listening and reading. A student receives language training throughout the Pipeline. In Phase IV, students attend an 8 or 14 week language blitz depending upon the language they are slotted in. The general purpose of the course is to provide each student with the ability to communicate in a foreign language. For successful completion of the course, the student must achieve at least a 1/1/1 or higher on the Defense Language Proficiency Test in two of the three graded areas; speaking, listening and reading. Table of Contents Introduction Introduction Lesson 1 People and Geography Lesson 2 Living and Working Lesson 3 Numbers, Dates, and Time Lesson 4 Daily Activities Lesson 5 Meeting the Family Lesson 6 Around Town Lesson 7 Shopping Lesson 8 Eating Out Lesson 9 Customs, and Courtesies in the Home Lesson 10 Around the House Lesson 11 Weather and Climate Lesson 12 Personal Appearance Lesson 13 Transportation Lesson 14 Travel Lesson 15 At School Lesson 16 Recreation and Leisure Lesson 17 Health and the Human Body Lesson 18 Political and International Topics in the News Lesson 19 The Military Lesson 20 Holidays and Traditions

Providing a well-balanced and impartial perspective on the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, this book contributes to a better understanding of the current foreign policy of Iran, especially its internal and external determinants. Combining theoretical and practical aspects, it provides readers with a short analysis of Iranian foreign policy. The first part is dedicated to the Pahlavi era between 1925–1979. The second consists of three chapters covering issues relating to ideological and institutional aspects of Iranian foreign policy after 1979. The last part incorporates eight case studies which best present both regional and global dimensions. This comprehensive study contains a synthesis of views and opinions of commentators and scholars who often represent contradictory perspectives. Serving as a key reference and starting point for further studies, this book will be of interest to students and researchers studying Iranian foreign policy, international relations, and Middle Eastern studies.