Studienarbeit aus dem Jahr 2016 im Fachbereich Politik - Thema: Europäische Union, , Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract: The following term paper aims to assess the current state of interdependencies as well as future developments in the gas relations between the European Union and Russia. The theoretical approach therefor is framed by Keohane and Nye’s Theory of Interdependence. It is used to analyze (a) the prevailing gas supply situation of the European Union, (b) the significance of the European gas demand for the Russian Federation, (c) diversification opportunities for both parties and (d) the progress and effects of a common EU approach in gas negotiations with Russia. It becomes evident that the EU’s Energy security is very reliant on consistent gas supplies. Yet, Russia can only slightly exploit this sensitivity dependency as a source of geopolitical power vis-à-vis the EU, because its own economy depends on Europe’s investments and the revenue from gas exports to EU countries. The analysis of the diversification potentials reveals that the mutual dependence will remain strong in the near future. In the medium term the EU has to expand its range of suppliers by investing in LNG infrastructure and the Southern Corridor. In contrast, Russia tries to get hold of the Union’s diversification plans, as exemplified by the competition between the Turkish Stream and TANAP pipeline projects. A common European approach towards gas negotiations with Russia would mainly be beneficial for the bargaining position of the Union’s eastern members, which are highly sensitive to Russian gas deliveries. Russia currently takes advantage of this by negotiating favorable long term contracts. However, contradictory positions between East and West complicate the realization of a joint European negotiation process. Viable and useful transitional measures would include regional trade associations and a revision of the current information exchange mechanism, providing greater competencies for the European Commission to gain insight in Member states’ bilateral negotiations with Russia.

Seminar paper from the year 2010 in the subject Politics - Region: Eastern Europe, grade: 9 out of 10, Maastricht University (Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences), course: Module D - Traid and Aid - European Studies, Specialisation in International Politics of the European Union, language: English, abstract: Energy security is a topic with growing importance on the global political agendas. Within the European Union (EU) the consideration of supply security is of particular significance as the member states depend on outside sources, meaning principally oil and gas, to satisfy their need of energy. The EU-27 was dependent on oil imports on 82.6% and on gas imports on 60.3% in 2007. Own resources are not sufficient and in the present days the EU merely covers 46.9% of the energy consumption by its own means. When the current trends proceed the EU will be dependent on 90% for oil, 70% for gas and 100% for coal in years 2030-40. Therefore, the role of producer countries becomes increasingly important, especially regarding Russia as it is the biggest importer to the EU in crude oil, gas and hard coal. The supply dependence on Russia could have severe consequences for the EU as gas disruptions leading to supply crises in several member states like in 2006 and 2009 had already shown. But also the Russian Federation is dependent because the EU is one of the most important consumers of its gas and oil exports. Russia’s economy is reliant on oil and gas production; in 2007 the energy sector generated about 64% of its exports revenues. Accordingly, Russia also has to deal with the problem of energy security, but in the perspective that it aims at securing demand and the purchase of its gas and oil resources, especially by the EU. As both parties depend on each other in their energy security there is a case of interdependence in the EU-Russian energy relationship. When examining this relation of interdependence it is interesting not just to regard the present state of affairs but also the trends and future development and how the EU and Russia deal with that. For the analysis the notions of sensitivity and vulnerability are used. The guiding research question of this paper is therefore: What is the degree of sensitivity and vulnerability for the EU and Russia regarding their relation of interdependence in energy security? It is hypothesized that the Russian Federation is more vulnerable, especially on the subject of its political strategy. The concept of interdependence by Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye provides the theoretical basis for this paper. In order to conclude this paper, the degrees of sensitivity and vulnerability of the actors are evaluated and the hypothesis is proven right or wrong.

Due to the exploitation of international reservoirs, natural energy sources have become rare, disputed among States and therefore strategic. The reliance on these resources is linked to energy security and dependence in both terms of energy imports or exports. Furthermore, the access and reallocation of energy flows entail an alteration of the balance of power among States as well as the raise of national energy security strategies and debates. The aim of this volume is to analyze the evolution of energy relations between the European Union and the Russian Federation from a state of pure Dependence to the establishment of a balanced Interdependence, underling also the challenges facing the EU in terms of dependence and diversifications in the framework or the EU-Russian energy cooperation.

Public debate about energy relations between the EU and Russia is distorted. These distortions present considerable obstacles to the development of true partnership. At the core of the conflict is a struggle for resource rents between energy producing, energy consuming and transit countries. Supposed secondary aspects, however, are also of great importance. They comprise of geopolitics, market access, economic development and state sovereignty. The European Union, having engaged in energy market liberalisation, faces a widening gap between declining domestic resources and continuously growing energy demand. Diverse interests inside the EU prevent the definition of a coherent and respected energy policy. Russia, for its part, is no longer willing to subsidise its neighbouring economies by cheap energy exports. The Russian government engages in assertive policies pursuing Russian interests. In so far, it opts for a different globalisation approach, refusing the role of mere energy exporter. In view of the intensifying struggle for global resources, Russia, with its large energy potential, appears to be a very favourable option for European energy supplies, if not the best one. However, several outcomes of the strategic game between the two partners can be imagined. Engaging in non-cooperative strategies will in the end leave all stakeholders worse-off. The European Union should therefore concentrate on securing its partnership with Russia instead of damaging it. Stable cooperation would need the acceptance that the partner may pursue his own goals, which might be different from one’s own interests. The question is, how can a sustainable compromise be found? This thesis finds that a mix of continued dialogue, a tit for tat approach bolstered by an international institutional framework and increased integration efforts appears as a preferable solution.

This book presents the main conclusions reached by the academic project "Geopolitics of Gas and the Future of the Euro-Russian Relations (Geo4GER)." This project is being developed at IPRI -- Portuguese Institute of International Relations, NOVA University, an academic research institute dedicated to advanced studies in Political Science and International Relations, of NOVA University of Lisbon, Portugal. Energy security is a key issue on the international political agenda, a prerequisite for political stability and economic development and an indivisible part of a state's overall security. For Europe, the high-energy insufficiency is a major challenge, given its dependence on external sources, especially from Russia, the lack of diversification of energy sources, and the poor branch of its transmission network. For Russia, energy has been a geopolitical factor of power and a potential strategic vector to its re-emergence as a great power in the international system. However, in terms of energy, Russia also faces some long-term challenges, given the fall of its production and the low competitiveness of its gas, which is currently saved from the market where competition can hardly enter. Given this scenario, and also the increasingly important role in the political and strategic discussion of energy issues between Europe and Russia, it becomes relevant to diagnose the past and the present to forecast the medium and long term future (2030), taking into account the expected changes in the geopolitical and energetic environment, and the characteristics and dynamics of European-Russian relationship, including its energy interdependence and the energy policies and strategies outlined by Europe and Russia.

Does the current level of economic interdependence between the Russian Federation and members of the European Union (EU) promote stability in Europe? As a key component of national security, energy security is a high priority for all states. While overall EU dependence on the Russian Federation for such critical needs as oil and gas does pose a potential threat to the national security of some EU members, the reality is that this dependence will continue through at least the next decade. If the EU is overall dependent on Russian energy imports then one could say that Russia is highly dependent on the income from exporting oil and natural gas to the EU. Despite the economic recovery that Russia has seen over the 13 years, since the Russian economic collapse in 1999, Russia has failed to diversify its economy. With the federal budget of the Russian Federation being at least 50 percent dependent on the income from energy exports, establishing demand security for those critical commodities should have been a very high priority over the past decade. Unfortunately, Russia's state owned national champion Gazprom has instead been used to finance the government and as a tool of international diplomacy to either reward or punish European states for their compliance with Russian positions. The failure of Russia to diversify its economy and the failure of the Russian energy sector to diversify its consumer base have resulted in the Russian federal government being highly dependent on energy exports. Additionally, with nearly 80 percent of Russian energy exports flowing to the EU this means that the Russian federal government is highly dependent on energy exports to members of the EU. If interdependence is defined as two states being dependent on one another for trade then Russia and the EU share interdependence in the energy market. Despite previous attempts to unite EU member states in critical policy areas such as energy policy over the past decade, the Russian Federation has been able to bypass EU structures and engage EU members individually to establish dominance in the energy market. However, the Ukrainian gas crisis of 2009 exposed the vulnerabilities of the EU to supply disruptions and gave individual EU member states the motivation to work more closely together to improve overall EU energy security. This basic change in the willingness of individual EU member states to prioritize overall EU goals in the energy market represents a fundamental paradigm shift. While not every EU member supports the concept of a common EU energy market to the same degree, this shift has been significant enough to challenge Russian influence in the EU marketplace.

This paper is based on the assumption that the main aspects that negatively influence the mutual energy relations and limit the energy cooperation can be defined as (1) the differences in the degree of interdependence in the energy relations between the EU and Russia, (2) the different interests and goals of the EU and the Russian energy policy, and (3) the divergent approaches of the EU and Russi. [...] Introduction The EU-Russia Energy Interdependence The Russian Energy Policy towards the EU The EU Energy Policy towards Russia The different approaches of the EU and Russia to their energy relationship Conclusion Introduction Energy security 1 is currently one of the most important and most disputed issues in the mutual relations between the European Union and the Russian Federation. [...] On the other hand, the issue of sustainable and reliable supplies of oil and gas is a cause of the tensions between the European Union and the Russian Federation and contributes to the deterioration of their relations (Petrovic-Orttung-Wenger 2009, p. [...] According to Mikko Palonkorpi, in order to determine the supplier's dependence on exports of oil and natural gas, the following indicators have to be measured: the proportion of export revenues (oil and gas) to the GDP, the share of revenue from the export of energy raw materials in the state budget, and the share of the export revenue from oil and gas in the total export revenues. [...] On the other hand, the relative strength of the energy interdependence can be measured by such factors as the energy trade balance, the level of (domestic) energy resources, possibilities of energy-supply diversification and the specific total energy consumption in the country (the ratio of the raw material to the total primary energy consumption).

This Handbook provides the most comprehensive account of energy governance in Europe, examining both energy governance at the European level and the development of energy policy in 30 European countries. Authored by leading scholars, the first part of the book offers a broad overview of the topics of energy research, including theories of energy transitions, strategies and norms of energy policy, governance instruments in the field, and challenges of energy governance. In the second part, it examines the internal and external dimensions of energy governance in the European Union. The third part presents in-depth country studies, which investigate national trajectories of energy policy, including an analysis of the policy instruments and coordination mechanisms for energy transitions. It closes with a comparative analysis of national energy governance. This book is a definitive resource for scholars in energy and climate research as well as decision makers in national governments and EU institutions.

The publication comprises 15 contributions by leading academics, lawyers and policy specialists offering a deep analysis of the relationship between Russia and the EU in the energy sphere. The political aspects of the EU-Russia relations are discussed by some of the leading practitioners and academics in the field. With Russia being the single most important energy supplier for the European Union, the security of supply issue inevitably hinges to a large extent on the complex relationship between Brussels and the Kremlin. The events following the most recent disruption of gas supply from Ukraine in 2009 is evidence of the fragile political interrelation between the EU and Russia and it is not surprising that speculation about the future of Russian energy supplies to the EU keeps growing. The publication is divided into 3 sections with various chapters: Section I : Political Energy Relations Between EU and Russia; Section II: Legal Aspects of EU - Russia Energy Relations; Section III: Changing the Rules for the EU Natural Gas Markets - From State to Market and Plan to Contract.

A Brookings Institution Press and Global Public Policy Institute publication The global market for oil and gas resources is rapidly changing. Three major trends—the rise of new consumers, the increasing influence of state players, and concerns about climate change—are combining to challenge existing regulatory structures, many of which have been in place for a half-century. Global Energy Governance analyzes the energy market from an institutionalist perspective and offers practical policy recommendations to deal with these new challenges. Much of the existing discourse on energy governance deals with hard security issues but neglects the challenges to global governance. Global Energy Governance fills this gap with perspectives on how regulatory institutions can ensure reliable sources of energy, evaluate financial risk, and provide emergency response mechanisms to deal with interruptions in supply. The authors bring together decisionmakers from industry, government, and civil society in order to address two central questions: •What are the current practices of existing institutions governing global oil and gas on financial markets? •How do these institutions need to adapt in order to meet the challenges of the twenty-first century? The resulting governance-oriented analysis of the three interlocking trends also provides the basis for policy recommendations to improve global regulation. Contributors include Thorsten Benner, Global Public Policy Institute, Berlin; William Blyth, Chatham House, Royal Institute for International Affairs, London; Albert Bressand, School of International and Public Affairs, Columbia University; Dick de Jong, Clingendael International Energy Programme; Ralf Dickel, Energy Charter Secretariat; Andreas Goldthau, Central European University, Budapest, and Global Public Policy Institute, Berlin; Enno Harks, Global Public Policy Institute, Berlin; Wade Hoxtell, Global Public Policy Institute, Berlin; Hillard Huntington, Energy Modeling Forum, Stanford University; Christine Jojarth, Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law, Stanford University; Frederic Kalinke, Department of Politics and International Relations, Oxford University; Wilfrid L. Kohl, School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University; Jamie Manzer, Global Public Policy Institute, Berlin; Amy Myers Jaffe, James A. Baker Institute for Public Policy, Rice University; Yulia Selivanova, Energy Charter Secretariat; Tom Smeenk, Clingendael International Energy Programme; Ricardo Soares de Oliveira, Department of Politics and International Relations, Oxford University; Ronald Soligo, Rice University; Joseph A. Stanislaw, Deloitte LLP and The JAStanislaw Group, LLC; Coby van der Linde, Clingendael International Energy Programme; Jan Martin Witte, Global Public Policy Institute, Berlin; Simonetta Zarrilli, Division on International Trade and Commodities, United Nations Conference on Trade and Development.