"Let them come forward, they are thirsty for the sight of a King," said Henri IV to his followerswho were trying to push back the curious crowds as he entered Paris in February, 1594. It is perhaps to be regretted that seven kings (to say nothing of two emperors) have since more than quenched the French's taste for royalty, because they have long been in need of - and periodically have sought - a symbol of national unity. Modem-day France has had far more than her share of revolutions, counterrevolutions, uprisings, days, coups, affairs, crises, scandals - and constitution drafting. While it would be an over simplification to interpret this endemic strife as a seesaw conflict between two well-integrated blocs with the ideology of the Great Revolution as the dividing issue, the fact remains that since 1789 political divisions and quarrels arnong Frenchmen have been deep, bitter, and fundamental. After 1870, a Republic may have been the one solution which divided Frenchmen the least (to borrow an expression from Monsieur Thiers) ; but like any and all of the preceding alternatives it was to incur the relentless, irreconcilable opposition of important segments of the population. This study deals with those individuals and organ izations which continued to advocate, and sought to bring about a return to the monarchy under the Third and Fourth Republics.

Mitchell believes that the history of the French Third Republic remains incomplete until one understands the German impact on France after the Franco-Prossian War. As the French groped unsteadily toward a redefinition of their national identity, they were constantly under the influence of the victorious German reich, indicating that the creation of a republican mentality cannot be explained in strictly French terms nor can its origins be traced solely from French sources. Originally published in 1979. A UNC Press Enduring Edition -- UNC Press Enduring Editions use the latest in digital technology to make available again books from our distinguished backlist that were previously out of print. These editions are published unaltered from the original, and are presented in affordable paperback formats, bringing readers both historical and cultural value.

First published in 1977, France 1870-1914 combines an outline of events with an analytical treatment of the main political institutions and forces of the Third Republic, relating them to their social context. After an introductory narrative chapter, Dr Anderson discusses the social bases of politics, regional variations in political behaviour, parties and political leadership, and the parliamentary system. There are sections on the Republicans and Radicals, the Right, and the working-class movement, and a separate chapter is devoted to foreign and colonial policy. The success of the Third Republic as a working political system and a distinctive form of parliamentary democracy is emphasized. The author also provides a framework of interpretative ideas which makes the book stimulating as well as informative. This is a must read for scholars and researchers of French history and French politics.

"Let them come forward, they are thirsty for the sight of a King," said Henri IV to his followerswho were trying to push back the curious crowds as he entered Paris in February, 1594. It is perhaps to be regretted that seven kings (to say nothing of two emperors) have since more than quenched the French's taste for royalty, because they have long been in need of - and periodically have sought - a symbol of national unity. Modem-day France has had far more than her share of revolutions, counterrevolutions, uprisings, days, coups, affairs, crises, scandals - and constitution drafting. While it would be an over simplification to interpret this endemic strife as a seesaw conflict between two well-integrated blocs with the ideology of the Great Revolution as the dividing issue, the fact remains that since 1789 political divisions and quarrels arnong Frenchmen have been deep, bitter, and fundamental. After 1870, a Republic may have been the one solution which divided Frenchmen the least (to borrow an expression from Monsieur Thiers) ; but like any and all of the preceding alternatives it was to incur the relentless, irreconcilable opposition of important segments of the population. This study deals with those individuals and organ izations which continued to advocate, and sought to bring about a return to the monarchy under the Third and Fourth Republics.

This book explores mid-nineteenth-century French legitimism and the implications of popular support for a movement that has traditionally been portrayed as an aristocratic force intent on restoring the Old Regime. This type of monarchism has often been understood as a form of elitist patronage politics or, alternatively, identified with ultramontane Catholicism. Although historians have offered a more nuanced view in the last few decades, their work, nevertheless, has predominantly focused on legitimist leaders rather than their followers and their professed feelings of loyalty to monarchy and monarch. This book’s originality therefore is twofold: firstly as an analysis of popular rather than élite monarchism; and secondly, as a study which portrays this form of royalism as a political movement characteristic of a period which saw the emergence of mass politics, while parties were still non-existent. It not only discusses the social and cultural settings of (popular) monarchism, but also contributes to the history of political parties, citizenship and democracy.

The period 1870 - 1914 in France saw the consolidation of republican government and the recovery of national self-confidence. Though political crises such as the Dreyfus Affair threatened to tear it apart, the Republic established firm parliamentary rule, built up an Empire and an army which was to see it through the Great War. The new edition of this key text - first published as The Third Republic From 1870 to 1914 - offers a clear introduction to the period and incorporates the latest research.

The National Book Award–winning historian’s “vivid and moving” eyewitness account of the fall of France to Hitler’s Third Reich at the outset of WWII (The New York Times). As an international war correspondent and radio commentator during World War II, William L. Shirer didn’t just research the fall of France. He was there. In just six weeks, he watched the Third Reich topple one of the world’s oldest military powers—and institute a rule of terror and paranoia. Based on in-person conversations with the leaders, diplomats, generals, and ordinary citizens who both shaped the events and lived through them, Shirer constructs a compelling account of historical events without losing sight of the human experience. From the heroic efforts of the Freedom Fighters to the tactical military misjudgments that caused the fall and the daily realities of life for French citizens under Nazi rule, this fascinating and exhaustively documented account brings this significant episode of history to life. “This is a companion effort to Shirer’s The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, also voluminous but very readable, reflecting once again both Shirer’s own experience and an enormous mass of historical material well digested and assimilated.” —Kirkus Reviews (starred review)

Paris between 1814 and 1852 was the capital of Europe, a city of power and pleasure, a magnet for people of all nationalities that exerted an influence far beyond the reaches of France. Paris was the stage where the great conflicts of the age, between nationalism and cosmopolitanism, revolution and royalism, socialism and capitalism, atheism and Catholicism, were fought out before the audience of Europe. As Prince Metternich said: When Paris sneezes, Europe catches cold. Not since imperial Rome has one city so dominated European life. Paris Between Empires tells the story of this golden age, from the entry of the allies into Paris on March 31, 1814, after the defeat of Napoleon I, to the proclamation of his nephew Louis-Napoleon, as Napoleon III in the Hôtel de Ville on December 2, 1852. During those years, Paris, the seat of a new parliamentary government, was a truly cosmopolitan capital, home to Rossini, Heine, and Princess Lieven, as well as Berlioz, Chateaubriand, and Madame Recamier. Its salons were crowded with artisans and aristocrats from across Europe, attracted by the freedom from the political, social, and sexual restrictions that they endured at home. This was a time, too, of political turbulence and dynastic intrigue, of violence on the streets, and women manipulating men and events from their salons. In describing it Philip Mansel draws on the unpublished letters and diaries of some of the city's leading figures and of the foreigners who flocked there, among them Lady Holland, two British ambassadors, Lords Stuart de Rothesay and Normanby, and Charles de Flahaut, lover of Napoleon's step-daughter Queen Hortense. This fascinating book shows that the European ideal was as alive in the nineteenth century as it is today.

The French call them 'the Dark Years'... This definitive new history of Occupied France explores the myths and realities of four of the most divisive years in French history. Taking in ordinary people's experiences of defeat, collaboration, resistance, and liberation, it uncovers the conflicting memories of occupation which ensure that even today France continues to debate the legacy of the Vichy years.

In this lively and stimulating study, Roger Magraw examines how the 19th-century French bourgeoisie struggled and eventually succeeded in consolidating the gains it made in 1789. The book describes the attempts of the bourgeoisie to remold France in its own image and its strategy for overcoming the resistance from the old aristocratic and clerical elites and the popular classes. Incorporating the most recent research on religion and anticlericalism, the development of the economy, the role of women in society, and the educational system, this work is the first to draw extensively on the new social history in its interpretation of events in 19th-century France.