Following the coup attempt of 15th of July 2016, Turkey’s AKP government started targeting academics, journalists, politicians, actors, directors, i.e. the intellectuals who produce oppositional art and critical knowledge, criminalizing them as enemies of the state. This new climate has started to limit the opportunities of production and reproduction for the intellectuals and artists, and even holding a dissident stance became a source of risk on its own. The Republic of Turkey limited, oppressed and punished the means of expression by giving one of the harshest (and maybe the most violent) reactions of its history against critical thought and opposition. The culture of democracy, which was almost already non-existent, has been completely abolished through the suspension of democracy on the ostensible level. This ongoing period is a one, in which producers of critical knowledge and opposing artists are being faced with immense oppression and penal sanctions. One of the outcomes of this process is a kind of new-nomadism that we can sketch out as “leaving behind”. And one of the forms of this leaving is (voluntary or involuntary) exile. The majority of those whom we call “exiled intellectuals” today, have migrated generally to Western Europe, Great Britain, the United States and especially to Germany. Since this new wave of migration, which had started after the Gezi uprisings and gained momentum following the coup attempt, has some distinct fundamental features compared to the previous waves; in order to provide a framework, it is defined as “new-exile''. The fundamental property of this experience is the simultaneous mobilization of intellectual capital and (bipolar) opposition. The form of the opposition in question has the ability to take root at the lands it arrives at. It does not point towards a single direction (forward or backwards) and a single place (the place it was ruptured); it is here/now and multidirectional. This state of new exilewitnesses the efforts of existing producers of critical information and arts in the “heim” they migrated to, due to the fact that the producers of critical information and arts have been against the fascism in Turkey as well as being opponents of the dominant world system. As political subjects of the resistance against authoritarianism, they are continuously and collectively fighting against the structural fate of displacement. As both subjects and researchers of this current state of exile, it is our primary responsibility to understand and produce knowledge of these intellectuals’ responses in this new life, to monitor the creation processes of the new mechanisms to cope with the challenges, and to understand/investigate the effects of all these on the transnational social space. We attempt to determine the content of this book as based on our own experiences as exiled intellectuals. We believe that in this period of exile we are subjects and witnesses of ahistoric period due to our individual struggle for existence as well as our organizing and our modes of solidarity as a group of exiled intellectuals. We know that we transform ourselves and in the meanwhile, we pave the way for mutual interaction and transformation of the structures within which we built relationships. This is why our motivation behind the idea of compiling this book was not only academic concerns of analyzing the process and contributing to the literature of exile, but also take down a record of our own stories, creating memories of our exilic lives and our existence/solidarity strategies and our experiences in activism and sharing them with intellectuals around the globe who share the same fate. We believe that this book with academic analyses and personal stories of intellectuals from different professions will also act as a guide for the steps towards transnational collaborations.

Right after the Gezi Resistance, a new tendency of authoritarianism rapidly emerged in Turkey and AKP government started targeting anyone it perceives as a threat to its rule, especially academics, journalists, politicians, actors, directors, i.e. the intellectuals who produce oppositional art and critical knowledge, criminalizing them as enemies of the state. The authoritarian regime has permeated every aspect of economic, social, cultural, and political life, institutionalized primarily through the ongoing state of emergency declared in the wake of the July 15, 2016 coup attempt (one might also consider this as a controlled and manipulated toxoid coup). This new climate has started to limit the opportunities of production and reproduction for the intellectuals and artists, and even holding a dissident stance became a source of risk on its own. The Republic of Turkey limited, oppressed and punished the means of expression by giving one of the harshest (and maybe the most violent) reactions of its history against critical thought and opposition. The culture of democracy, which was almost already non-existent, has been completely abolished through the suspension of democracy on the ostensible level. This ongoing period is one, in which producers of critical knowledge and opposing artists are being faced with immense oppression and penal sanctions. One of the outcomes of this process is a kind of new-nomadism that we can sketch out as “leaving behind”. And one of the forms of this leaving is (voluntary or involuntary) exile. The majority of those whom we call “new-exile intellectuals” today have relocated generally to Western Europe, Great Britain, the United States, and especially to Germany. This new wave of political forced migration, which started in the aftermath of the Gezi uprisings and gained momentum following the coup attempt, has been defined by the editors of the book as “new-exile”', in order to draw a framework, as it has some unique characteristics different from the previous waves. The fundamental property of this experience is the simultaneous mobilization of intellectual capital and (bi-polar) opposition. This oppositional stance is both against the dominant global order and against German-style authoritarianism as well as Turkish-style fascism. It is bi-polar in the context of exile. The form of the opposition in question has the ability to take root in the lands it arrives at. It does not point towards a single direction (forward or backward) and a single place (the place it was ruptured); it is here/now and multidirectional. This state of new-exile bears the efforts of existing critical knowledge and art producers in the “heim” to which they have relocated, as critical knowledge and art producers are opposed to the dominant world system as well as to fascism in Turkey. As political subjects of the resistance against authoritarianism, they are continuously and collectively fighting against the structural fate of displacement. As both subjects and researchers of this current state of new-exile, it is our primary responsibility to understand and produce knowledge of these intellectuals’ responses in this new life, to monitor the creation processes of the new mechanisms to cope with the challenges, and to understand/investigate the effects of all these on the transnational social space. We have tried to determine the content of this book based on our own experiences as new-exiled intellectuals. We believe that in this period of new-exile we are subjects and witnesses of a historic period due to our individual struggle for existence as well as our modes of organization and solidarity as a group of new-exiled intellectuals. On one hand, we know that while transforming ourselves, we pave the way for mutual interaction and the transformation of the structures in which we relate. This is precisely why the motivation behind the idea of compiling this book, lies not only in academic concerns such as analyzing the process and contributing to the literature on new-exile, but also in keeping a record of our own stories, creating memories of our new-exilic lives, strategies of existence/solidarity and experiences of activism, and in sharing them with intellectuals around the globe who face the same fate. We believe that this book with academic analyses and personal stories of new-exile intellectuals from different professions will also serve as a guide for the steps towards transnational collaborations.

Transnational Communism across the Americas offers an innovative approach to the study of Latin American communism. It convincingly illustrates that communist parties were both deeply rooted in their own local realities and maintained significant relationships with other communists across the region and around the world. The essays in this collection use a transnational lens to examine the relationships of the region’s communist parties with each other, their international counterparts, and non-communist groups dedicated to anti-imperialism, women’s rights, and other causes. Topics include the shifting relationship between Mexican communists and the Comintern, Black migrant workers in the Caribbean, race relations in Cuba, Latin American communists in the USSR, Luís Carlos Prestes in Brazil, the U.S. and Puerto Rican communist and Nationalist parties, peace activist networks in Latin America, communist women in Guatemala, transnational student groups, and guerrillas in El Salvador. Contributors: Marc Becker, Jacob Blanc, Tanya Harmer, Patricia Harms, Lazar Jeifets, Victor Jeifets, Adriana Petra, Margaret M. Power, Frances Peace Sullivan, Tony Wood, Kevin A. Young, and Jacob Zumoff

This volume contributes to an emerging field of Asian German Studies by bringing together cutting-edge scholarship from international scholars working in a variety of disciplines. The chapters survey transnational encounters between Germany and East Asia since 1900. By rejecting traditional dichotomies between the East and the West or the colonizer and the colonized, these essays highlight connectedness and hybridity. They show how closely Germany and East Asia cooperated and negotiated the challenges of modernity in a range of topics, such as politics, history, literature, religion, environment, architecture, sexology, migration, and sports.

Winning a Governor General’s Literary Award for Fiction, the Kiriyama Pacific Rim Book Prize and the Scotiabank Giller Prize, Anil’s Ghost is another award-winning novel from Michael Ondaatje. Steeped in centuries of cultural achievement and tradition, Sri Lanka has been ravaged in the late twentieth century by bloody civil war. Anil Tissera, born in Sri Lanka but educated in England and the U.S., is sent by an international human rights group to participate in an investigation into suspected mass political murders in her homeland. Working with an archaeologist, she discovers a skeleton whose identity takes Anil on a fascinating journey that involves a riveting mystery. What follows, in a novel rich with character, emotion, and incident, is a story about love and loss, about family, identity and the unknown enemy. And it is a quest to unlock the hidden past—like a handful of soil analyzed by an archaeologist, the story becomes more diffuse the farther we reach into history. A universal tale of the casualties of war, unfolding as a detective story, the book gradually gives way to a more intricate exploration of its characters, a symphony of loss and loneliness haunted by a cast of solitary strangers and ghosts. The atrocities of a seemingly futile, muddled war are juxtaposed against the ancient, complex and ultimately redemptive culture and landscape of Sri Lanka.

From the Occupy protests to the Black Lives Matter movement and school strikes for climate action, the twenty-first century has been rife with activism. Although very different from one another, each of these movements has created alliances across borders, with activists stressing that their concerns are not confined to individual nation states. In this book, Daniel Laqua shows that global efforts of this kind are not a recent phenomenon, and that as long as there have been borders, activists have sought to cross them. Activism Across Borders since 1870 explores how individuals, groups and organisations have fostered bonds in their quest for political and social change, and considers the impact of national and ideological boundaries on their efforts. Focusing on Europe but with a global outlook, the book acknowledges the importance of imperial and postcolonial settings for groups and individuals that expressed far-reaching ambitions. From feminism and socialism to anti-war campaigns and green politics, this book approaches transnational activism with an emphasis on four features: connectedness, ambivalence, transience and marginality. In doing so, it demonstrates the intertwined nature of different movements, problematizes transnational action, discusses the temporary nature of some alliances, and shows how transnationalism has been used by those marginalized at the national level. With a broad chronological perspective and thematic chapters, it provides historical context, clarifies terms and concepts, and offers an alternative history of modern Europe through the lens of activists, movements and campaigns.

From the late 1960s until the present day, a significant number of women playwrights have emerged in Scottish theatre who have made a pioneering contribution to dramatic innovation and experimentation. Despite the critical reassessment of some of these authors in the last twenty years, their invaluable achievement in playwriting, within and outside Scotland, still deserves more thorough investigations and fuller acknowledgement. This work explores what is still uncharted territory by examining a selection of representative texts by Ann Marie di Mambro, Marcella Evaristi, Sue Glover, Jackie Kay, Liz Lochhead, Sharman Macdonald, and Joan Ure. The three macro-thematic areas of the book – the rewriting of the Shakespearean canon; the representation of female communities and minorities; and the conflicts between the self and society – find significant and paradigmatic expression in their dramas. All seven writers examined in this book have explored new theatrical methods, introduced aesthetic innovations and opened new perspectives to engage with the complexities of national, community and individual identities. This study will surely contribute to wider recognition of their achievement, so that their work can never again be described as “uncharted territory”.

The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists is the premier public resource on scientific and technological developments that impact global security. Founded by Manhattan Project Scientists, the Bulletin's iconic "Doomsday Clock" stimulates solutions for a safer world.

Partial Truths and the Politics of Community considers what happens after feminists succeed in achieving social change or in founding organizations dedicated to accomplishing their personal and social goals. This collection of eighteen essays by scholars from the fields of international relations and feminist studies explores the theoretical dilemmas and practical politics of living with raised consciousnesses in worlds of our own making. The contributors explore feminisms as dreams of human rights, as a cluster of ideologies, and as a bounty of social practices set within frameworks for tackling problems in nation-building and global governance. In essays that illustrate the impact of feminist concerns with the quality of education, the contributors offer studies of homeschooling, of the education of impoverished girls in rural Mexico, of sororities and their relation to female autonomy, and of the teaching of prisoners by volunteers in county jails. Other contributors call for a greater attention to the ecology of social life, viewing society as a complex of individuals bound to one another through webs of transactions and obligations. These contributors recount examples from N