This study of comparative political development provides insights into the likelihood that the liberal-democratic system of government will become institutionalized in industrializing and non-industrialized countries in the wake of neoliberalism - the global economic and political changes currently underway. It argues that over the near to medium term, liberal-democratic governance will plant roots of systematic stability only in that subset of developing countries in which preconditions for democracy already exist. In addition, the author argues that some liberal-democratic governmental institutions and processes, such as parliaments, legislatures, and general elections, will become established in other developing countries such as Haiti, the Dominican Republic, and eventually Cuba - countries in which the cultural and attitudinal preconditions for democracy remain absent or underdeveloped, and undermined by the fragile base upon which these new democracies rest.

An exploration of the factors behind neoliberalism’s resilience in developing economies and what this could mean for democracy’s future Since the 1980s, neoliberalism has withstood repeated economic shocks and financial crises to become the hegemonic economic policy worldwide. Why has neoliberalism remained so resilient? What is the relationship between this resiliency and the backsliding of Western democracy? Can democracy survive an increasingly authoritarian neoliberal capitalism? Neoliberal Resilience answers these questions by bringing the developing world’s recent history to the forefront of our thinking about democratic capitalism’s future. Looking at four decades of change in four countries once considered to be leading examples of effective neoliberal policy in Latin America and Eastern Europe—Argentina, Chile, Estonia, and Poland—Aldo Madariaga examines the domestic actors and institutions responsible for defending neoliberalism. Delving into neoliberalism’s political power, Madariaga demonstrates that it is strongest in countries where traditional democratic principles have been slowly and purposefully weakened. He identifies three mechanisms through which coalitions of political, institutional, and financial forces have propagated neoliberalism’s success: the privatization of state companies to create a supporting business class, the use of political institutions to block the representation of alternatives in congress, and the constitutionalization of key economic policies to shield them from partisan influence. Madariaga reflects on today’s most pressing issues, including the influence of increasing austerity measures and the rise of populism. A comparative exploration of political economics at the peripheries of global capitalism, Neoliberal Resilience investigates the tensions between neoliberalism’s longevity and democracy’s gradual decline.

Explores some central tenets of modern economics, subjecting them to trenchant examination - including the case for free trade and the inevitability of ever more grotesque income inequalities. The book argues that there is a feasible alternative in a democratically controlled economic strategy

This book gives a critique of the contemporary global capitalist system and the adverse consequences suffered by the developing countries as a result of their 'integration' into this system. The current neoliberal paradigm of capitalist development as the only or the best alternative for the economic, social and political development of the developing countries is rejected. The authors search for more human and ecologically sustainable alternatives, focusing on Latin America, Asia and women. Contributors are David Barkijn, Robert N. Gwynne, Richard L. Harris, Cristóbal Kay, Jorge Nef, Mustapha Kamal Pasha, Cathy A. Rakowski, Wilder Robles, Melinda J. Seid, and John Weeks.

George Louis Beer Prize Winner Wallace K. Ferguson Prize Finalist A Marginal Revolution Book of the Year “A groundbreaking contribution...Intellectual history at its best.” —Stephen Wertheim, Foreign Affairs Neoliberals hate the state. Or do they? In the first intellectual history of neoliberal globalism, Quinn Slobodian follows a group of thinkers from the ashes of the Habsburg Empire to the creation of the World Trade Organization to show that neoliberalism emerged less to shrink government and abolish regulations than to redeploy them at a global level. It was a project that changed the world, but was also undermined time and again by the relentless change and social injustice that accompanied it. “Slobodian’s lucidly written intellectual history traces the ideas of a group of Western thinkers who sought to create, against a backdrop of anarchy, globally applicable economic rules. Their attempt, it turns out, succeeded all too well.” —Pankaj Mishra, Bloomberg Opinion “Fascinating, innovative...Slobodian has underlined the profound conservatism of the first generation of neoliberals and their fundamental hostility to democracy.” —Adam Tooze, Dissent “The definitive history of neoliberalism as a political project.” —Boston Review

Originally published in 2005. Domestic and foreign economic and political policies in the rich capitalist nations in the North and in the poor countries in the South are geared towards globalization and democratization. Indeed the dominant view held by countries in the North is that globalization leads to democracy and vice versa, and that in turn economic development will result from that process. Thus many scarce resources are allocated to bring about globalization and democracy. Exploring the dynamics of change that allow for the persistence of authoritarian states in the Third World, this illuminating book highlights certain aspects of democratization that have not been investigated fully. Anyone interested in development politics and political sociology will draw a plethora of important theoretical insights into globalization, authoritarianism and transition/democratization from this original study.

Democracy is the faith that the process of experience is more important than any special result attained, so that special results achieved are of ultimate value only as they are used to enrich and order the ongoing process. Africans must therefore be allowed to apply their cultural and historical experiences and talents in working out a pattern of 'government of the people, by the people, and for the people' according to their own understanding and as their own peculiar circumstances demand. Those who do not want the vertical 'Western-Style Democracy' must be given a fair chance to demonstrate an alternative African horizontal democracy. Perhaps what they come up with might be of benefit to politics even in the West, provided that their radical system of horizontal democracy protects the life, liberty and property of citizens, and provided that the people want it. The question of externally imposed or market-driven multi-party or dual-party or non-party is a matter of modality and should not occupy the center stage in Africa.

Blending theory and case studies, this volume explores a vitally important and topical aspect of developmentalism, which remains a focal point for scholarly and policy debates around democracy and social development in the global political economy. Includes case studies from China, Vietnam, India, Brazil, Uganda, South Korea, Ireland, Australia.

Across the West, hard-right leaders are surging to power on platforms of ethno-economic nationalism, Christianity, and traditional family values. Is this phenomenon the end of neoliberalism or its monstrous offspring? In the Ruins of Neoliberalism casts the hard-right turn as animated by socioeconomically aggrieved white working- and middle-class populations but contoured by neoliberalism’s multipronged assault on democratic values. From its inception, neoliberalism flirted with authoritarian liberalism as it warred against robust democracy. It repelled social-justice claims through appeals to market freedom and morality. It sought to de-democratize the state, economy, and society and re-secure the patriarchal family. In key works of the founding neoliberal intellectuals, Wendy Brown traces the ambition to replace democratic orders with ones disciplined by markets and traditional morality and democratic states with technocratic ones. Yet plutocracy, white supremacy, politicized mass affect, indifference to truth, and extreme social disinhibition were no part of the neoliberal vision. Brown theorizes their unintentional spurring by neoliberal reason, from its attack on the value of society and its fetish of individual freedom to its legitimation of inequality. Above all, she argues, neoliberalism’s intensification of nihilism coupled with its accidental wounding of white male supremacy generates an apocalyptic populism willing to destroy the world rather than endure a future in which this supremacy disappears.

Latin America after the Neoliberal Debacle studies the crippling problems that plague civilian democracies in the region. Ximena de la Barra and Richard Dello Buono draw on their extensive first-hand knowledge of Latin America to provide a rich analysis of why the needs of the region are too often put second to powerful foreign interests. In particular, they look at the shortcomings of the neoliberal development model, combining a broad historical overview with analysis of critical issues today. In a region that displays some of the worst social disparities in the world, popular movements have begun to confront the forces of domination. Their struggles for social justice have proposed new political agendas that in some cases dovetail with the new generation of progressive leaders, fueling important social changes. The authors argue that genuine development, free of dependency, can only be achieved in the context of a more profound democratization and new forms of regional integration. This interdisciplinary study will be useful for students, scholars, and general readers concerned with the past, present, and particularly the future of this important region.