On the basis of years of research into the varying welfare distribution strategies of Christian, Shia Muslim, and Sunni Muslim political parties in Lebanon, Cammett shows how and why sectarian groups deploy welfare benefits.

Across the world, welfare states are under challenge—or were never developed extensively in the first place—while non-state actors increasingly provide public goods and basic welfare. In many parts of the Middle East and South Asia, sectarian organizations and political parties supply basic services to ordinary people more extensively and effectively than governments. In sub-Saharan Africa, families struggle to pay hospital fees, and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) launch welfare programs as states cut subsidies and social programs. Likewise, in parts of Latin America, international and domestic NGOs and, increasingly, private firms are key suppliers of social welfare in both urban and rural communities. Even in the United States, where the welfare state is far more developed, secular NGOs and faith-based organizations are critical components of social safety nets. Despite official entitlements to public welfare, citizens in Russia face increasing out-of-pocket expenses as they are effectively compelled to seek social services through the private market In The Politics of Non-State Social Welfare, a multidisciplinary group of contributors use survey data analysis, spatial analysis, in-depth interviews, and ethnographic and archival research to explore the fundamental transformation of the relationship between states and citizens. The book highlights the political consequences of the non-state provision of social welfare, including the ramifications for equitable and sustainable access to social services, accountability for citizens, and state capacity. The authors do not assume that non-state providers will surpass the performance of weak, inefficient, or sometimes corrupt states but instead offer a systematic analysis of a wide spectrum of non-state actors in a variety of contexts around the world, including sectarian political parties, faith-based organizations, community-based organizations, family networks, informal brokers, and private firms.

Beyond the Lines explores the social underpinnings of rebel adaptation and resilience. How do rebel groups cope with crises such as repression, displacement, and fragmentation? What explains changes in militant organizations' structures and behaviors over time? Drawing on nearly two years of ethnographic research, Sarah E. Parkinson traces shifts in Palestinian militant groups' internal structures and practices during the civil war of 1975 to 1990 and foreign occupations of Lebanon. She shows that most militants approach asymmetrical warfare as a series of challenges centered around information and logistics, characterized by problems such as supplying constantly mobile forces, identifying collaborators, disrupting rival belligerents' operations, and providing essential services like healthcare. Effective negotiation of these challenges contributes to militant organizations' resilience and survival. In this context, the foundation of rebel resilience lies with militants' ability to repurpose their everyday social networks to organizational ends. In the Lebanese setting, Beyond the Lines demonstrates how regionalized differences in Israeli, Syrian, and Lebanese deployment of violence triggered distinct social network responses that led to divergent organizational outcomes for Palestinian militants.

A new political biography of the Titan of Lebanese politics, whose influential legacy continues to shape the Levant years after his assassination

In the wake of the Arab Spring, newly empowered factions in Tunisia and Egypt vowed to work together to establish democracy. In Tunisia, political elites passed a new constitution, held parliamentary elections, and demonstrated the strength of their democracy with a peaceful transfer of power. Yet in Egypt, unity crumbled due to polarization among elites. Presenting a new theory of polarization under authoritarianism, the book reveals how polarization and the legacies of repression led to these substantially divergent political outcomes. The book documents polarization among the opposition in Tunisia and Egypt prior to the Arab Spring, tracing how different kinds of repression influenced the bonds between opposition groups.

Lajja, The Controversial Novel By Bangladeshi Writer Taslima Nasrin, Is A Savage Indictment Of Religious Extremism And Man S Inhumanity To Man. The Duttas-Sudhamoy, Kironmoyee, And Their Two Children, Suranjan And Maya-Have Lived In Bangladesh All Their Lives. Despite Being Part Of The Country S Small Hindu Community, That Is Terrorized At Every Opportunity By Muslim Fundamentalists, They Refuse To Leave Their Country, As Most Of Their Friends And Relatives Have Done. Sudhamoy, An Atheist, Believes With A Naive Mix Of Optimism And Idealism That His Motherland Will Not Let Him Down.... And Then, On 6 December 1992, The Babri Masjid At Ayodhya In India Is Demolished By A Mob Of Hindu Fundamentalists. The World Condemns The Incident, But Its Fallout Is Felt Most Acutely In Bangladesh, Where Muslim Mobs Begin To Seek Out And Attack The Hindus.... The Nightmare Inevitably Arrives At The Duttas Doorstep-And Their World Begins To Fall Apart.... Unremittingly Dark And Menacing, The Novel Exposes The Mindless Bloodthirstiness Of Fundamentalism And Brilliantly Captures The Insanity Of Violence In Our Time.

The national deficit is certainly a crisis. But alongside it a moral deficit is exploding as well. Some want to unjustly thrust the burden of the debt on our grandchildren. Others want to balance the budget on the backs of the poor. But both plans are morally bankrupt. There is a way--a realistic way, a moral way--to fix the deficit. We can break political gridlock with solutions that stand on a foundation of solid values and fair play. If you are tired of politics as usual that fails to operate as if people mattered, take heart in Ron Sider's balanced, practical approach. Consistent with deeply Christian principles, he offers a way forward that truly provides justice for all.

Lebanon seems a country in the grip of permanent crisis. In recent years it has suffered blow after blow, from Rafiq Hariri's assassination in 2005, to the 2006 July War, to the current Syrian conflict, which has brought a million refugees streaming into the country. This is an account not just of Lebanon's high politics, with its endless rows, walk-outs, machinations and foreign alliances, but also of the politics of everyday life: all the stresses and strains the country's inhabitants face, from electricity black-outs and uncollected rubbish to stagnating wages and property bubbles. Andrew Arsan moves between parliament and the public squares where protesters gather, between luxury high-rises and refugee camps, and between expensive nightclubs and seafront promenades, providing a comprehensive view of Lebanon in the twenty-first century. Where others have treated Lebanon's woes as exceptional, a by-product of its sectarianism and particular vulnerability to regional crises, Arsan argues that there is nothing particular about Lebanon's predicament. Rather, it is a country of the age--one of neoliberal economics, populist fervor, forced displacement, rising xenophobia, and public disillusion. Lebanon, in short, offers us a lens through which to look on our times.