This book deals with the 70-year-old peaceful struggle for autonomy/independence of the Tibetan Buddhist living in the 'Roof of the World', Tibet. In 1950, Tibet, an erstwhile independent entity intermittently under the suzerainty of China, was coercively annexed by the People's Republic of China (PRC). It is located in the Himalayan region bordering India and the PRC, the two major players in Asia. The book describes the contemporary history of Tibet and analyses the implications of autonomy especially in the context of geostrategic significance of Tibet to India and China. The response of the PRC and India towards Tibetan autonomy is very important to understand the undercurrents of international relations in the Himalayas. Concomitantly in the 21st century the international response is also significant in helping the move towards autonomy to erstwhile groups of people that have a common cultural identity. The relative significance of the right of a modern state to territorial integrity and people's right of self-determination are discussed in detail. Though people's right to self-determination has been an internationally recognised principle, its implementation depends on the persistence of the struggle for autonomy/independence, the means adopted, and the international response toward it. The interplay of international politics with national interests of major players in the era of globalisation is also dealt with. Thus, in the era of human security and human rights, the Tibetan quest for autonomy has solicited great significance.

"On 1 October 1949, the People's Republic of China came into being and changed forever the course of Asian history. Power moved from the hands of the nationalist Kuomintang government to the Communist Party of China headed by Mao Tse Tung. All of a sudden, it was not only an assertive China that India had to deal with but also an increasingly complex situation in Tibet which was reeling under pressure from China. Clearly, newly independent India, with Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru at its helm, was navigating very choppy waters. Its relations with China progressively deteriorated, eventually leading to the Indo-China war in 1962. Today, more than six decades after the war, we are still plagued by border disputes with China that seem to routinely grab the headlines. It leads one to question what exactly went on during those initial years of the emergence of a new China"--Publisher's summary.

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A deep dive into understanding India-China relations Why did India and China go to war in 1962? What propelled Jawaharlal Nehru's 'vision' of China? Why is it necessary to understand the trans-Himalayan power play of India and China in the formative period of their nationhoods? The past shadows the present in this relationship and shapes current policy options, strongly influencing public debate in India to this day. Nirupama Rao, a former Foreign Secretary of India, unknots this intensely complex saga of the early years of the India-China relationship. As a diplomat-practitioner, Rao's telling is based not only on archival material from India, China, Britain and the United States, but also on a deep personal knowledge of China, where she served as India's Ambassador. In addition, she brings a practitioner's keen eye to the labyrinth of negotiations and official interactions that took place between the two countries from 1949 to 1962. The Fractured Himalaya looks at the inflection points when the trajectory of diplomacy between these two nations could have course-corrected but did not. Importantly, it dwells on the strategic dilemma posed by Tibet in relations between India and China-a dilemma that is far from being resolved. The question of Tibet is closely interwoven into the fabric of this history. It also turns the searchlight on the key personalities involved-Jawaharlal Nehru, Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai and the 14th Dalai Lama-and their interactions as the tournament of those years was played out, moving step by closer step to the conflict of 1962.

"There is hardly any book equal to Ways of Thinking of Eastern Peoples in terms of its thorough and systematic presentation of the intricate thought patterns of Asian peoples. The book not only is an essential reference for the student of Asian culture, but also for students of philosophy, religion, anthropology, and art, as it is an excellent source for aiding the student in gaining a deeper understanding of each facet of Oriental thought." --Isshi Yamada, Northwestern University "The clearest discussion and analysis of these complex subjects that I have found. My advanced undergraduate students find this work to be 'stimulating', 'challenging' and comprehensible.' The organization of the text enhances the usefulness of this volume, but it is the high quality of the scholarship that makes Ways of Thinking a most valuable addition to Asian studies and to the academic training of upper division students." --Ann B. Radwan, University of North Florida "I find Ways of thinking a most provocative source for exploring with my students certain basic themes in Eastern religion and culture. Used carefully, it is a most stimulating and effective source for tapping Eastern 'ways' at a fundamental level of inquiry." --Wilbur M. Fridell, University of California, Santa Barbara

Exploring the long history of cultural exchange between 'the Roof of the World' and 'the Middle Kingdom,' Buddhism Between Tibet and China features a collection of noteworthy essays that probe the nature of their relationship, spanning from the Tang Dynasty (618 - 907 CE) to the present day. Annotated and contextualized by noted scholar Matthew Kapstein and others, the historical accounts that comprise this volume display the rich dialogue between Tibet and China in the areas of scholarship, the fine arts, politics, philosophy, and religion. This thoughtful book provides insight into the surprisingly complex history behind the relationship from a variety of geographical regions. Includes contributions from Rob Linrothe, Karl Debreczeny, Elliot Sperling, Paul Nietupski, Carmen Meinert, Gray Tuttle, Zhihua Yao, Ester Bianchi, Fabienne Jagou, Abraham Zablocki, and Matthew Kapstein.

Between the mid-eighteenth and mid-nineteenth centuries, Qing rulers, officials, and scholars fused diverse, fragmented perceptions of foreign territory into one integrated worldview. In the same period, a single "foreign" policy emerged as an alternative to the many localized "frontier" policies hitherto pursued on the coast, in Xinjiang, and in Tibet. By unraveling Chinese, Manchu, and British sources to reveal the information networks used by the Qing empire to gather intelligence about its emerging rival, British India, this book explores China's altered understanding of its place in a global context. Far from being hobbled by a Sinocentric worldview, Qing China's officials and scholars paid close attention to foreign affairs. To meet the growing British threat, they adapted institutional practices and geopolitical assumptions to coordinate a response across their maritime and inland borderlands. In time, the new and more active response to Western imperialism built on this foundation reshaped not only China's diplomacy but also the internal relationship between Beijing and its frontiers.

Over sixty years of violence and dialogue have brought China and the Tibetans no closer to a resolution of their conflict. Tsering Topgyal argues that it is China's sense of insecurity, its perception of itself as a socio-politically weak state, which has disproportionately influenced its policies towards the religion, language, education and economy of Tibet. Beijing has also denied the existence of a 'Tibet Issue' and rejected several Tibetan proposals for autonomy, fearful that they might undermine its state-building project in Tibet. Conversely, Tibetan insecurity about threats to their identity, generated by Chinese policies, Han migration and cultural influences in Tibet, explains both the Dalai Lama's unpopular decision to abandon his aspiration for Tibetan independence and his demands for autonomy and unification of all Tibetans under one administration. Identity insecurity also drives the multi-faceted Tibetan resistance both inside Tibet and in the diaspora. Thus, while Beijing and the Tibetans seek to harden their positions in order to counter their respective insecurities, real or imagined, the outcome is, paradoxically, greater insecurity on both sides, plunging them into unremitting cycles of state-hardening on the part of China and fortifying resistance on the Tibetan side.