During the Second World War, the British military and intelligence agencies had plans in case Germany invaded Spain and Portugal. This involved training British and Spanish agents to be secretly infiltrated to undertake sabotage operations on important lines of communication and liaising with pro-British locals. At the same time the Abwehr, Germany's military intelligence agency, paid young Spanish and Portuguese collaborators to undertake sabotage missions against Allied military and economic targets in Iberia but they had limited success. Italian saboteurs from the Decima Flotigglia MAS were more successful using underwater divers to attack Allied shipping. Using declassified files from Britain's National Archives, autobiographies, biographies and newspaper articles, this documentary history sheds new light on an unusual aspect of Iberian history telling a human story of international diplomacy, political intrigue, secret agents, clandestine warfare, military strategy, nationalism, and deception.

During the Second World War, Gibraltar faced the threat of invasion by Italy, Germany, and Spain. The Abwehr, the German Intelligence Service, rather than use their own saboteurs, paid young Spanish men to undertake over sixty sabotage attacks on military installations and shipping with limited success. The Italian Decima Flotilla MAS, a specialist team of underwater frogmen, launched eight attacks which were relatively successful and Spanish Falangists made several unsuccessful attempts. The British Secret Intelligence Service endeavoured to stop or at least limit such attacks. Using contemporary files from the National Archives in Kew, autobiographies, biographies, histories and newspaper articles, this documentary history investigates the successes and failures of these attacks on Gibraltar and the roles played by intelligence officers, agents, double agents in discovering and preventing such acts. The book sheds light on an unusual and largely overlooked aspect of Gibraltar's history.

Adolf Hitler's failure to take Gibraltar in 1940 lost him the Second World War. But in truth the formidable Rock, jutting between the Mediterranean and the Atlantic, was extraordinarily vulnerable. Every day, ten thousand people crossed its frontier to work, spy, sabotage or escape. It was threatened by Spain, Vichy France, Italy and Germany. After the USA entered the war, Gibraltar became General Eisenhower's strategic headquarters for the invasion of North Africa and the battle for the Mediterranean.

Harold James Andrews, known as Mike, was born in 1897. Fascinated by planes, he joined the Royal Naval Air Force during the First World War and later the Royal Flying Corps flying bombers. After working as a test pilot, in the early 1920s he moved to Barcelona to train the Spanish Air Force in anti-submarine warfare. Returning to Britain in 1930 he was Blackburn's foreign representative, and t e photographs he took of airports and airfields across Europe were passed to the Secret Intelligence Service. He designed and later managed Liverpool airport and designed Kallang in Singapore. During the Second World War he was posted to Lisbon as Air Attaché but this was just a cover. His mission was to help a secret organisation operating in France, Spain and Portugal to get escaped prisoners-of-war, downed pilots, aircrew and other evaders back to Britain. Based on his grandson Simon's stories, autobiographies of other intelligence officers, contemporary documents, this book tells his story.

"The story of Spain during World War II has largely been viewed as the story of dictator Francisco Franco's foreign diplomacy in the aftermath of civil war. Wayne H. Bowen now goes behind the scenes of fascism to reveal less-studied dimensions of Spanish history. By examining the conflicts within the Franco regime and the daily lives of Spaniards, he has written the first book-length assessment of the regime's formative years and the struggle of its citizens to survive." "Examining the effects of World War II on key facets of Spanish life - Catholicism, the economy, women, leisure, culture, opposition to Franco, and domestic politics -Bowen explores a wide range of topics: the grinding poverty following the civil war, exacerbated by poor economic decisions; restrictions on employment for women versus the relative autonomy enjoyed by female members of the Falange; the efforts of the Church to recover from near decimation; and methods of repression practiced by the regime against leftists, separatists, and Freemasons. He also shows that the lives of most Spaniards remained apolitical and centered on work, family, and leisure marked by the popularity of American movies and the resurgence of loyalty to regional sports teams."--BOOK JACKET.

The Spanish Civil War, begun in July 1936, was a preliminary round of World War II. Hitler's and Mussolini's cooperation with General Franco resulted in the Axis agreement of October 1936 and the subsequent Pact of Steel of May 1939, immediately following the end of the Civil War. This study presents comprehensive documentation of Hitler's use of the upheaval in Spain to strengthen the Third Reich diplomatically, ideologically, economically, and militarily. While the last great cause drew all eyes to Western Europe and divided the British and especially the French internally, Hitler could pursue territorial gains in Eastern Europe. This book, based on little-known German records and recently opened Spanish archives, fills a major gap in our understanding of one of the 20th century's most significant conflicts. Its comprehensive treatment of German-Spanish relations from 1936 through 1939, bringing together diplomatic, economic, military, and naval aspects, will be of great value to specialists in European diplomacy and the political economy of Nazi imperialism, as well as to all students of the Spanish Civil War.

Little remembered today, the worker insurgencies in Portugal and Spain at the end of the Salazar and Franco dictatorships were, for a brief moment in the mid-1970s, at the center of world politics. They occurred in the midst of the 1973-75 crisis of world accumulation, in which capitalism was "changing gears" from the era of the big factory and the assembly line to the era of "globalization," deindustrialization, outsourtcing, downsizing and "just in time," the era in which we live today. They took place in a conjuncture that included the deepest economic downturn (to date) since the end of World War II, the oil crisis, the advance of "Euro-communism," the US defeat in Indochina, the triumph of "national liberation fronts" in the ex-Portuguese colonies of Angola, Mozambique and Ginea-Bissau, and the crisis in the Horn of Africa. World capitalism, centered in the United States, seemed to be everywhere involved in putting out fires, but the Iberian insurgencies were unique among these simultaneous crises in being centered on the working class and, particularly in the case of Portugal, directly posing the question of the state and unmasking the pretensions of different factions of "progressive" state bureaucrats. They were the most genuinely radical moments of the (mainly statist) "red mirage" that, briefly, seemed to have placed world capitalism on the defensive. By the late 1970s, capitalism had returned to the offensive, and the era of Thatcher and Reagan inaugurated a rollback that swept away leftist statism, up to and including the Soviet Union itself.What was ending was the century of the "progressive" state bureaucrat, who had entered the international workers' movement in the German SPD and its 1875 Gotha Program, and who for 100 years seemed, in "socialist" and "communist" guise, to represent something "beyond capitalism." Events since 1975 have shown that the "progressive state bureaucrat," everywhere, from England to China, represented, rather, something before capitalism, throwing the old statist "left" into terminal crisis. This book analyzes the last two Western worker revolts just before this turn, and shows how they already pointed toward a new era, though hardly the immediately revolutionary era they seemed to portend.Now that the statist illusion of the revolutionary workers' movement has been laid to rest once and for all, the Portuguese and Spanish worker revolts of the min-1970s offer one benchmark from which to judge present and future struggles.

Tells the story of the growing Chinese Navy - The People's Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) - and its expanding capabilities, evolving roles and military implications for the USA. Divided into four thematic sections, this special collection of essays surveys and analyzes the most important aspects of China's navel modernization.