"This book is the first to recover and analyse at length the extent, complexity, and character of African American responses to the Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970). With a chronological approach, this study is the ideal resource for all those interested in the Nigerian Civil War and the history of black internationalism"--

This book is the first to recover and analyse at length the extent, complexity, and character of African American responses to the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970). Far from having only marginal significance, the Nigerian Civil War collided at full velocity with the conflicting discourses and ideas by which black Americans sought to understand their place in the United States and the world in the late 1960s. Black civil rights leaders offered their service as agents of direct diplomacy during the conflict, seeking to preserve Nigerian unity; grassroots activists organised food-drives, concerts, and awareness campaigns in support of humanitarian aid for victims of famine in the warzone; while other black activists warned of an imminent genocide and called for an united response from black Americans. Drawing on private papers, activist literature, government records, and especially the black press, it charts the way the civil war shaped, as well as challenged, the worldview of African Americans regarding black internationalist solidarities, territorial sovereignty and political viability, humanitarian compassion, and the political trajectory of postcolonial Africa. With a chronological approach, this study is the ideal resource for all those interested in the Nigerian Civil War and the history of black internationalism.

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Contributors -- Introduction -- 1 The Nigeria-Biafra War: Postcolonial Conflict and the Question of Genocide -- SECTION I Genocide and the Biafran Bid for Self-Determination -- 2 Irreconcilable Narratives: Biafra, Nigeria and Arguments About Genocide, 1966-1970 -- 3 Marketing Genocide: Biafran Propaganda Strategies During the Nigerian Civil War, 1967-1970 -- 4 The Case Against Victor Banjo: Legal Process and the Governance of Biafra -- 5 The Biafran Secession and the Limits of Self-Determination -- SECTION II A Global Event -- 6 The UK and 'Genocide' in Biafra -- 7 France and the Nigerian Civil War, 1967-1970 -- 8 Israel, Nigeria and the Biafra Civil War, 1967-1970 -- 9 Strange Bedfellows: An Unlikely Alliance Between the Soviet Union and Nigeria During the Biafran War -- 10 West German Sympathy for Biafra, 1967-1970: Actors, Perceptions and Motives -- 11 Dealing With 'Genocide': The ICRC and the UN During the Nigeria-Biafra War, 1967-1970 -- 12 Humanitarian Encounters: Biafra, NGOs and Imaginings of the Third World in Britain and Ireland, 1967-1970 -- 13 'And Starvation Is the Grim Reaper': The American Committee to Keep Biafra Alive and the Genocide Question During the Nigerian Civil War, 1968-1970 -- 14 'Black America Cares': The Response of African-Americans to Civil War and 'Genocide' in Nigeria, 1967-1970 -- SECTION III Trauma and Memory -- 15 Women and the Nigeria-Biafra War -- 16 'Biafra of the Mind': MASSOB and the Mobilization of History -- 17 Memory as Social Burden: Collective Remembrance of the Biafran War and Imaginations of Socio-Political Marginalization in Contemporary Nigeria -- 18 The Asaba Massacre and the Nigerian Civil War: Reclaiming Hidden History -- 19 Imagined Nations and Imaginary Nigeria: Chinua Achebe's Quest for a Country -- Index

Biafra's declaration of independence on May 30, 1967, precipitated a civil war with important implications for the territorial integrity of all newly independent African states. Allegations of genocide commanded the world's attention and brought forth unprecedented humanitarian intervention. This full account of the internationalization of that conflict draws on hitherto confidential records and more than two hundred interviews with foreign policymakers, including Yakubu Gowon and C. Odumegwu Ojukwu. Originally published in 1977. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Contributors -- Introduction -- 1 The Nigeria-Biafra War: Postcolonial Conflict and the Question of Genocide -- SECTION I Genocide and the Biafran Bid for Self-Determination -- 2 Irreconcilable Narratives: Biafra, Nigeria and Arguments About Genocide, 1966-1970 -- 3 Marketing Genocide: Biafran Propaganda Strategies During the Nigerian Civil War, 1967-1970 -- 4 The Case Against Victor Banjo: Legal Process and the Governance of Biafra -- 5 The Biafran Secession and the Limits of Self-Determination -- SECTION II A Global Event -- 6 The UK and 'Genocide' in Biafra -- 7 France and the Nigerian Civil War, 1967-1970 -- 8 Israel, Nigeria and the Biafra Civil War, 1967-1970 -- 9 Strange Bedfellows: An Unlikely Alliance Between the Soviet Union and Nigeria During the Biafran War -- 10 West German Sympathy for Biafra, 1967-1970: Actors, Perceptions and Motives -- 11 Dealing With 'Genocide': The ICRC and the UN During the Nigeria-Biafra War, 1967-1970 -- 12 Humanitarian Encounters: Biafra, NGOs and Imaginings of the Third World in Britain and Ireland, 1967-1970 -- 13 'And Starvation Is the Grim Reaper': The American Committee to Keep Biafra Alive and the Genocide Question During the Nigerian Civil War, 1968-1970 -- 14 'Black America Cares': The Response of African-Americans to Civil War and 'Genocide' in Nigeria, 1967-1970 -- SECTION III Trauma and Memory -- 15 Women and the Nigeria-Biafra War -- 16 'Biafra of the Mind': MASSOB and the Mobilization of History -- 17 Memory as Social Burden: Collective Remembrance of the Biafran War and Imaginations of Socio-Political Marginalization in Contemporary Nigeria -- 18 The Asaba Massacre and the Nigerian Civil War: Reclaiming Hidden History -- 19 Imagined Nations and Imaginary Nigeria: Chinua Achebe's Quest for a Country -- Index

In the summer of 1968 as killing and starvation escalated in Biafra in a war that used famine as a weapon, the West African conflict attracted media attention and U.S. officials felt strong domestic pressure to expand American involvement in Nigeria's civil war. The official U.S. policy of neutrality eventually encompassed an activist policy of humanitarian assistance for Biafra. Joseph E. Thompson's comprehensive study describes the events and decisions that led to increased American involvement in the Nigeria/Biafra War of 1966-1970--a complex period during which the U.S. was attempting to extricate itself from involvement in Vietnam. Professor Thompson provides a thorough examination of both the domestic and international pressures that resulted in dichotomous U.S. policies and analyzes the reasons for their longevity. The volume's contribution to an understanding of U.S. policy formation is important because the U.S. is the major respondent to international famine, one of the most serious contemporary problems of the developing world. An introductory essay, surveys the Nigerian political system and military coups of 1966 and details initial U.S. responses to these violent changes. An Epilogue scrutinizes the increased U.S. public and private relief for Biafra and compares it to the present African famine situation. The first three chapters consider the contrasting perceptions of Nigeria transmitted to Washington, detail both internal and external disruptions caused by Nigerian military activity, and review attempts to resolve the fratricidal conflict. Evolving U.S. policy, the role of church relief groups on governmental, technological and logistical obstacles, and bureaucratic roadblocks inherent in the structures of both government and humanitarian groups are explored in the next three chapters. Chapter 7 zeroes in on U.S. diplomatic efforts to skirt humanitarian issues, and Chapter 8 assesses U.S. difficulties in following a course of political non-involvement in Nigeria while supplying humanitarian relief to Biafra. Fifteen valuable tables and figures and 5 maps complete this distinguished contribution to African Studies literature.

Nigeria was a unique concept in the formation of modern Africa. It began life as a highly lucrative if climatically challenging holding of the Royal Niger Company, a British Chartered Company under the control of Victorian capitalist Sir George Taubman Goldie. It was handed over to indigenous rule in 1960 with the best of intentions and a profound hope on the part of the British Crown that it would become the poster child of successful political transition in Africa. It did not. One of the signature failures of imperial strategists at the turn of the 19th century was to take little if any account of the traditional demographics of the territories and societies that were subdivided, and often joined together, into spheres of foreign influence, later evolving into colonies, and finally into nation states. Many of the signature crises in postcolonial Africa have owed their origins to this very phenomenon: incompatible and mutually antagonistic tribal and ethnic groupings forced to cohabit within the indivisible precincts of political geography. Congo, Rwanda/Burundi, Sudan and many others have suffered ongoing attrition within their borders as historic enmities surge and boil in restless and ongoing violence. Such was the case with Nigeria in the post-independence period. The traditions and practices of the Islamic north and the Christian/Animist south, and even within the multiplicity of ethnic division in the south itself, proved to be impossible to reconcile. The result was an immediate centrifuge away from the center, complicated by the vast infusion of oil revenues and the inevitable explosion of corruption that followed. All of this created the alchemy of civil war and genocide, which erupted into violence in 1967 as the eastern region of Nigeria attempted to secede. The war that followed shocked the conscience of the world, and revealed for the first time the true depth of incompatibility of the four partners in the Nigerian federation. This book traces the early history of Nigeria from inception to civil war, and the complex events that defined the conflict in Biafra, revealing how and why this awful event played out, and the scars that it has since left on the psyche of the disunited federation that has continued to exist in the aftermath.

Almost half a century has passed since the Nigerian Civil War ended. But memories die hard, because a million or more people perished in that internecine struggle, the majority women and children, who were starved to death. Biafra’s war was modern Africa’s first extended conflict. It lasted almost three years and was based largely on ethnic, by inference, tribal grounds. It involved, on the one side, a largely Christian or animist southeastern quadrant of Nigeria which called itself Biafra, pitted militarily against the country’s more populous and preponderant Islamic north. These divisions – almost always brutal – persist. Not a week goes by without reports coming in of Christian communities or individuals persecuted by Islamic zealots. It was also a conflict that saw significant Cold War involvement: the Soviets (and Britain) siding and supplying Federal Nigeria with weapons, aircraft and expertise and several Western states – Portugal, South Africa and France especially – providing clandestine help to the rebel state. For that reason alone, this book is an important contribution towards understanding Nigeria’s ethnic divisions, which are no better today than they were then. Biafra was the first of a series of religious wars that threaten to engulf much of Africa. Similar conflicts have recently taken place in the Ivory Coast, Kenya, Southern Sudan, the Central African Republic, Senegal (Cassamance), both Congo Republics and elsewhere. As the war progressed, Biafra also attracted mercenary involvement, many of whom arriving from the Congo which had already seen much turmoil. Western pilots were hired by Lagos and they flew the first Soviet MiG-17 jet fighters to have played an active role in a ‘Western’ war. Al Venter spent time covering this struggle. He left the rebel enclave in December 1969, only weeks before it ended and claims the distinction of being the only foreign correspondent to have been rocketed by both sides: first by Biafra’s tiny Swedish-built Minicon fighter planes while he was on a ship lying at anchor in Warri harbour and thereafter, by MiG jets flown by mercenaries. Among his colleagues inside the beleaguered territory were the celebrated Italian photographer Romano Cagnoni as well as Frederick Forsyth who originally reported for the BBC and then resigned because of the partisan, pro-Nigerian stance taken by Whitehall. He briefly shared quarters with French photographer Giles Caron who was later killed in Cambodia. Prior to that Venter had been working for John Holt in Lagos. It is interesting that his office at the time was at Ikeja International Airport (Murtala Muhammed today) where the second Nigerian army mutiny was plotted and from where it was launched. From this perspective he had a proverbial ‘ringside seat’ of the tribal divisions that followed as hostilities escalated. Venter took numerous photos while on this West African assignment, both in Nigeria while he was based there and later in Biafra itself. Others come from various sources, including some from the same mercenary pilots who originally targeted him from the air.