The Handbook provides a comprehensive range of contributions on the relations between the EU and Asia - two regions undergoing significant changes internally yet also developing stronger relations in the context of an emerging multi-polar world. It collates some 40 contributions from various disciplines by contributors from throughout the world.

In this enlightening analysis, Julia Gurol unpicks the complex security relations between the European Union (EU) and China. Systematic and accessible, this is an essential guide to the past, present and future of one of the world’s most important, yet most complicated, security relationships.

While Americans are generally aware of China's ambitions as a global economic and military superpower, few understand just how deeply and assertively that country has already sought to influence American society. As the authors of this volume write, it is time for a wake-up call. In documenting the extent of Beijing's expanding influence operations inside the United States, they aim to raise awareness of China's efforts to penetrate and sway a range of American institutions: state and local governments, academic institutions, think tanks, media, and businesses. And they highlight other aspects of the propagandistic “discourse war” waged by the Chinese government and Communist Party leaders that are less expected and more alarming, such as their view of Chinese Americans as members of a worldwide Chinese diaspora that owes undefined allegiance to the so-called Motherland.Featuring ideas and policy proposals from leading China specialists, China's Influence and American Interests argues that a successful future relationship requires a rebalancing toward greater transparency, reciprocity, and fairness. Throughout, the authors also strongly state the importance of avoiding casting aspersions on Chinese and on Chinese Americans, who constitute a vital portion of American society. But if the United States is to fare well in this increasingly adversarial relationship with China, Americans must have a far better sense of that country's ambitions and methods than they do now.

This book provides a novel theoretical framework to understand EU-China diplomatic relations. The existing scholarly literature on EU-China relations is characterised by a dichotomous distinction between material and ideational factors and overemphasises the ‘interest versus value’ motif undergirding EU-China relations. The diplomacy and future direction of the relationship seem as opaque as their extent remains incalculably complex. This book takes us beyond binary motives by introducing a novel theoretical model of diplomatic relationship-building that brings to the fore the more nuanced and latent factors to make sense of EU-China diplomatic relationship-building; the new theory captures the ‘relational’ nature of diplomatic relationship-building by integrating the social layer of ‘intentions’ in understanding international diplomacy. This study further sheds light on the opportunities and challenges in enhancing EU-China relations, through a comparative in-depth investigation of the processes, practices and politics of EU-China climate change and agricultural-trade relations over the past two decades. The book draws on a rich collection of original data, encompassing over 100 interviews with stakeholders of EU-China relations conducted from 2015–2023; strengthened by participant observation at EU and Chinese institutional headquarters and in diplomatic fora that has taken place over the past ten years. Enriching these data are newly disclosed official minutes and documentation regarding EU-China negotiations and cooperation. This book will be of much interest to students of diplomacy studies, Chinese politics, EU politics and international relations in general.

Two major themes in contemporary international relations—Sino-European relations and global governance—are both addressed in this volume. In its focused analysis of Sino-European relations, global governance serves as both a topic for analysis and a conceptual framework to join together individual chapters. Featuring perspectives from a diverse group of established and promising young scholars from China, Europe, and elsewhere, this book has important implications for Chinese foreign policy, the European Union, the future of global governance, and international relations at large.

"China's once-a-decade leadership change is currently underway in Beijing. The new leaders will take power at a crucial time for China, as it enters the third stage of its development since the revolution. How they deal with the challenges ahead will not just shape China, but Europe and the entire world. Mark Leonard has drawn together a unique collection of essays from leading Chinese intellectuals and thinkers, examining the choices that it faces with its economy, its political system and its global role. After Mao's political revolution ('China 1.0') and Deng Xiaoping's economic revolution ('China 2.0'), Mark calls this 'China 3.0': Now that it is becoming more affluent, how does China deal with growing inequalities, rebalancing its economy and its increasing exposure to the global economy? How does the Communist Party retain stability, with increasing friction within Chinese society and half a billion 'netizens' active on the web? China can no longer keep a low profile on the world stage so also needs to decide how to use its power and deal with grievances with neighbours like Japan and South Korea.

"European Perceptions of China and Perspectives on the Belt and Road Initiative is a collection of fourteen essays on the way China is perceived in Europe today. These perceptions - and they are multiple - are particularly important to the People's Republic of China as the country grapples with its increasingly prominent role on the international stage, and equally important to Europe as it attempts to come to terms with the technological, social and economic advances of the Belt and Road Initiative. The authors are, on the whole, senior academics specializing in such topics as International Relations and Security, Public Diplomacy, Media and Cultural Studies, and Philosophy and Religion from more than a dozen different European countries and are involved in various international projects focused on Europe-China relations"--

"The increase in trade between China and Germany during the last decade--and, in particular, in German exports to China--has exceeded all expectations. Germany is China's number-one trade partner in the EU and China is the top foreign investment destination for German companies. Based on this emerging economic symbiosis between China and Germany, a "special relationship" is now developing. But is this trade-based relationship damaging wider European strategic interests in areas such as foreign policy, energy and raw materials, climate change and human rights? In a new ECFR policy brief, Hans Kundnani and Jonas Parello-Plesner argue that a special relationship between Germany and China is emerging: China needs technology and Germany needs markets. Structural similarities and shared economic interests are key for this emerging special relationship which has further intensified since the economic crisis in 2008. But Chinese companies will provide greater competition in the future and trade conflicts are likely to intensify -- Germany's approach to China is mostly driven by economic interests and the needs of its exporters. Germany's foreign policy is based on the idea that economic exchange would lead to political and societal change in China -- China sees Germany as the most useful country for its economic development. Germany is an attractive partner because of its prominent role in the EU, a similar strategic outlook-but also because of increased German dependence on China. "The Chinese are thinking about whether a 'German Europe' is emerging from the euro crisis just as we are. They increasingly see Berlin as the place to go to get things done." - Jonas Parello-Plesner. "Europe's future relationship with China will be determined by Germany's rapidly evolving bilateral relationship with China. The danger of this new special relationship is that it could undermine European strategic and economic interests"-Hans Kundnani. The authors argue that the emerging special relationship also matters for Europe and should be developed into a 'real' European strategic partnership with China: The EU should identify where Europe can help Germany. For example, the EU can bring added value in developing better investment and public procurement rules and it should use its leverage in negotiating access to raw materials -- A joint EU approach towards China requires better coordination among member states and the involvement of EU institutions. The EU should also explore new formats for dealing with China -- EU member states should empower the European External Action Service (EEAS) to develop a new "top-down" approach to China. The High Representative should co-ordinate Europe's China policy in areas such as trade and climate change"--Publisher's description.