Inhaltsangabe:Abstract: Nepal a country which is located between its powerful neighbours India and China is one of the poorest countries in the world. Nepal has never enjoyed much press coverage, that is, until February 2005, when the king Gyanendra dissolved the Nepali government and announced the state of emergency , which allowed him to rule the country exclusively. The international community regarded this decision as non-democratic and called on the king to restore universal human rights which were suspended according to the declaration of the state of emergency. The king issued an official statement cited the ongoing, radicalised Maoist insurgency and the inability of the government to curb the movement as main reasons for his takeover. Nevertheless, high officials in the country and foreign observers question this pretence. During the conduction of my field research in Nepal, I considered a combination of multiple causes as main reasons for the protracted Nepalese conflict. The main conflict parties, the political elite including the monarch, and the Maoist movement have strong negative perceptions of each other. The perception that Maoists are undertaking terrorist attacks to come into power because they want to disturb the peace of a stabile regime should be regarded as misguided. Even if personal ambitions have to be considered, interviewees mentioned several times that the Maoists are responding to grievances within the Nepalese society and that the political elite could not provide the basic needs for its population. This assumption can be supported by the published 40-Point Demands of the Maoists, which includes the demands of political rights, liberties, economic and social security. It becomes apparent that those asserted claims call for social responsibility, equality and justice. Furthermore, this poses the question, of whether the Maoist insurgency is a form of indicator or warning signal of the political, economic and social situation in Nepal. In particular, it implies the fundamental question, how a state should operate and what kind of responsibilities the state has. The concept of good governance is regarded as a contemporary means and guarantor for an effective state. In every respect, good governance presupposes accountability, honesty or transparency of a state with all its institutions, but besides the structural characteristics the concept disregards the actions that will be undertaken by the [...]

It has been 14 years since the armed conflict between Maoist insurgents and government forces ended in Nepal. Tens of thousands became victims of enforced disappearances, torture, rape, and unlawful killings in the decade of fighting between 1996 and 2006. They are still waiting for truth and justice. There have been hardly any successful prosecutions since the end of the conflict for severe violations. Resistance to address past abuses has entrenched impunity in the present and, combined with a failure to ensure security sector reform, has led to repeated lack of punishment in cases of serious human rights violations which still occur in Nepal. In a mounting number of alleged extrajudicial killings by the police, custodial deaths allegedly resulting from torture, and shootings of unarmed protesters in recent years, the authorities refused to take action despite strong evidence. We conclude that failure to provide justice for past crimes creates direct and tangible harms in the present: families who lost loved ones years ago continue to seek justice and are forced to live without closure. And as new cases of abuse by the police show, impunity for past crimes means that unaccountable and abusive individuals and institutions continue to claim new victims in post-conflict Nepal.

"This monograph analyzes the role of civil society in the massive political mobilization and upheavals of 2006 in Nepal that swept away King Gyanendra's direct rule and dramatically altered the structure and character of the Nepali state and politics. Although the opposition had become successful due to a strategic alliance between the seven parliamentary parties and the Maoist rebels, civil society was catapulted into prominence during the historic protests as a result of national and international activities in opposition to the king's government. This process offers new insights into the role of civil society in the developing world. By focusing on the momentous events of the nineteen-day general strike from April 6-24, 2006, that brought down the 400-year-old Nepali royal dynasty, the study highlights the implications of civil society action within the larger political arena involving conventional actors such as political parties, trade unions, armed revels, and foreign actors. he detailed examination of civil society's involvement in Nepali regime change sheds light on four important themes in the study of civil society. The first relates to a clear distinction between civil society as a spontaneous philosophical and associational form in the West and its mimetic articulation in the developing. The second addresses the nature of the relationship between civil society and political society and the way the former generates its moral authority and efficacy based on claims to universal reason, knowledge, and techniques of polymorphous power. The third theme explores the connection between the ideological and material basis of civil society and distinguishes between its autonomous Western origin and the recent growth in the developing world. Finally, civil society is examined in the international area: the example of Nepal reveals ways in which civil societies in the developing world are burgeoning as alternative policy instruments in interstate relations"--P. [4] of cover.

The goals of this book are to update information on the effects of rural road development, both in Nepal and globally, explain the environmental, socioeconomic, and sociocultural impacts of expanding rural road networks in the Nepalese Himalaya, and to promote further studies on rural road development throughout the world based on studies and investigations performed in Nepal. Readers will learn about the history of rural road development, as well as the challenges to effectively design and construct rural roads and how these obstacles may be overcome. Chapter one offers a global review of road development, and both the positive and negative impacts of rural road implementation. Chapter two defines mobilities within the context of coupled social and ecological systems, specifically in the Nepalese Himalaya. Chapters three through five detail the environmental, socioeconomic, and sociocultural impacts expanding rural road networks through several case studies. The concluding chapter summarizes the findings of the book, discussing the need for interdisciplinary cooperation and collaboration to avoid negative consequences. This book will be of interest to teachers, researchers, policy makers, and development organizations.

The primary thrust of the monograph is to explain the linkage of contemporary criminal street gangs (that is, the gang phenomenon or third generation gangs) to insurgency in terms f the instability it wreaks upon government and the concomitant challenge to state sovereignty. Although there are differences between gangs and insurgents regarding motives and modes of operations, this linkage infers that gang phenomena are mutated forms of urban insurgency. In these terms, these "new" nonstate actors must eventually seize political power in order to guarantee the freedom of action and the commercial environment they want. The common denominator that clearly links the gang phenomenon to insurgency is that the third generation gangs' and insurgents' ultimate objective is to depose or control the governments of targeted countries. As a consequence, the "Duck Analogy" applies. Third generation gangs look like ducks, walk like ducks, and act like ducks - a peculiar breed, but ducks nevertheless! This monograph concludes with recommendations for the United States and other countries to focus security and assistance responses at the strategic level. The intent is to help leaders achieve strategic clarity and operate more effectively in the complex politically dominated, contemporary global security arena.

Contributed articles.

Governance in Developing Asia is one of the first books of its kind to provide an overview of the role that better governance and citizen empowerment can play in improving public service delivery in developing Asia. The World Development Report 2004 se

The 2011 WDR on Conflict, Security and Development underlines the devastating impact of persistent conflict on a country or region's development prospects - noting that the 1.5 billion people living in conflict-affected areas are twice as likely to be in poverty. Its goal is to contribute concrete, practical suggestions on conflict and fragility.

'A compelling contribution to our evolving understanding of the links between trade, aid and security and what the international community needs to do to ensure peace and development in the world.' Achim Steiner, Executive Director, United Nations Environment Programme 'For far too long the international community ahs stood by while countries around the world descend into conflict and anarchy. We need to understand how we can engage more effectively with fragile and failing states. Trade, Aid and Security is an important step in this direction.' Jan Pronk, Special Representative of the UN General Secretary in Sudan and Former Minister of Development and the Environment, The Netherlands. 'As we begin to contemplate what the post-Iraq world will look like it is vital that we reflect on the limits of the utility of hard power and the importance that development can play in avoiding failed states before they fail, preventing conflicts and more successfully re-building states. This timely book makes a most important contribution to that process.' Lord Paddy Ashdown, UN High Representative for Boznia and Herzegovina, 2002 2006 Leader of UK Liberal Democrat Party, 1988 1999 'As UN Special Representative to the Great Lakes Region of Africa I have seen the devastating impact of the trade in conflict resources with my own eyes. Amongst much else, this book shows how different trade and aid politics can tackle the trade in conflict resources and make a real contribution to secure societies. It is essential reading.' Mohamed Sahnoun, Special Representative of the UN Secretary General in Central and East Africa. Iraq, Afghanistan, Darfur. All resonate loudly on the international stage, exposing and illustrating the intractable links between global security, control over naturals resources be it oil, water, timber or 'conflict diamonds' and the manipulation of foreign aid and international trade policy. This volume, written by leading authorities from across the globe, introduces the linkages between trade, aid and security, and exposes how inappropriate or misused trade and aid policy can and do undermine security and contribute to violence and the disintegration of national states. On a practical level they demonstrate how six key areas of trade and aid policy can be used to help forge stability and security, reduce the likelihood of armed conflict, and assist economic and political recovery in our war-torn world.

Freedom in the World, the Freedom House flagship survey whose findings have been published annually since 1972, is the standard-setting comparative assessment of global political rights and civil liberties. The survey ratings and narrative reports on 194 countries and 14 territories are used by policymakers, the media, international corporations, civic activists, and human rights defenders to monitor trends in democracy and track improvements and setbacks in freedom worldwide. The Freedom in the World political rights and civil liberties ratings are determined through a multi-layered process of research and evaluation by a team of regional analysts and eminent scholars. The analysts used a broad range of sources of information, including foreign and domestic news reports, academic studies, nongovernmental organizations, think tanks, individual professional contacts, and visits to the region, in conducting their research. The methodology of the survey is derived in large measure from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and these standards are applied to all countries and territories, irrespective of geographical location, ethnic or religious composition, or level of economic development.