Based on personal interviews with Palestinian families, Oroub El-Abed examines the effects of displacement and the livelihood strategies that Palestinians have employed while living in Egypt. The author also analyzes the impact of fluctuating Egyptian government policies on the Palestinian way of life. With limited basic human rights and in the context of very poor living conditions for Egyptians in general, Palestinians in Egypt have had to employ an array of both tangible and intangible assets to survive. By providing an account of how they marshalled these assets, this book aims to contribute to the expanding literature on forced migration and the theoretical understanding of the livelihoods of Palestinians in their "host" countries.

"Palestine and Egypt under the Ottomans is based on Hisham Khatib's unique collection of art and printed works covering the 400-year period of Ottoman rule in the region. The core of the material here are the paintings - mainly nineteenth-century watercolours, many of them by renowned artists such as Frederick Goodall, Edward Lear, Carl Werner and Carl Haag - which concentrate on a realistic portrayal of the Holy Land (in particular Jerusalem) and Egypt, rather than basking in romantic 'Orientalism'. Images from the valuable plate books are of exceptional interest. These include rare works by Charles van de Velde, Sir David Wilkie, Louis de Forbin, Francois Paris, Achille Prisse d'Avennes and David Roberts. In these plate books the text merely served to explain the large-scale engravings, lithographs or etchings that illustrated them. The section on travel books - also frequently illustrated - includes works by Bernardino Amico, Johann Ludwig Burckhardt, Michel Nau, Adrian Reland and Walter Tyndale. Some of the oldest material discussed and illustrated here - from the earliest days of Ottoman rule in Palestine and Egypt - are the maps and views, many of them by such well known names as Abraham Ortelius and Bernhard von Breydenbach. From the later end of the Ottoman period, this volume also records some of the earliest surveys and atlases of the region, as well as original photographs." --Book Jacket.

Covering the time span from the Paleolithic period to the destruction of Jerusalem in 586 B.C., the eminent Egyptologist Donald Redford explores three thousand years of uninterrupted contact between Egypt and Western Asia across the Sinai land-bridge. In the vivid and lucid style that we expect from the author of the popular Akhenaten, Redford presents a sweeping narrative of the love-hate relationship between the peoples of ancient Israel/Palestine and Egypt.

Israel in Egypt is an investigation into the Jewish experience of the land and people of Egypt from antiquity to the middle ages. Using contemporary sources to explore the varied experience of Egypt’s Jews, the volume brings together a rich collection of studies from top scholars in the field.

The Arab-Israeli conflict is one of the most intense and intractable international conflicts of modern times. This book is about the historical roots of that conflict. It re-examines the history of 1948, the war in which the newly-born state of Israel defeated the Palestinians and the regular Arab armies of the neighbouring states so decisively. The book includes chapters on all the principal participants, on the reasons for the Palestinian exodus, and on the political and moral consequences of the war. The chapters are written by leading Arab, Israeli and western scholars who draw on primary sources in all relevant languages to offer alternative interpretations and new insights into this defining moment in Middle East history. The result is a major contribution to the literature on the 1948 war. It will command a wide audience from among students and general readers with an interest in the region.

Egypt came to govern Gaza as a result of a war, a failed effort to maintain Arab Palestine. Throughout the twenty years of its administration (1948–1967), Egyptian policing of Gaza concerned itself not only with crime and politics, but also with control of social and moral order. Through surveillance, interrogation, and a network of local informants, the police extended their reach across the public domain and into private life, seeing Palestinians as both security threats and vulnerable subjects who needed protection. Security practices produced suspicion and safety simultaneously. Police Encounters explores the paradox of Egyptian rule. Drawing on a rich and detailed archive of daily police records, the book describes an extensive security apparatus guided by intersecting concerns about national interest, social propriety, and everyday illegality. In pursuit of security, Egyptian policing established a relatively safe society, but also one that blocked independent political activity. The repressive aspects of the security society that developed in Gaza under Egyptian rule are beyond dispute. But repression does not tell the entire story about its impact on Gaza. Policing also provided opportunities for people to make claims of government, influence their neighbors, and protect their families.

Two prominent Israeli liberals argue that for the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians to end with peace, Palestinians must come to terms with the fact that there will be no "right of return." In 1948, seven hundred thousand Palestinians were forced out of their homes by the first Arab-Israeli War. More than seventy years later, most of their houses are long gone, but millions of their descendants are still registered as refugees, with many living in refugee camps. This group—unlike countless others that were displaced in the aftermath of World War II and other conflicts—has remained unsettled, demanding to settle in the state of Israel. Their belief in a "right of return" is one of the largest obstacles to successful diplomacy and lasting peace in the region. In The War of Return, Adi Schwartz and Einat Wilf—both liberal Israelis supportive of a two-state solution—reveal the origins of the idea of a right of return, and explain how UNRWA - the very agency charged with finding a solution for the refugees - gave in to Palestinian, Arab and international political pressure to create a permanent “refugee” problem. They argue that this Palestinian demand for a “right of return” has no legal or moral basis and make an impassioned plea for the US, the UN, and the EU to recognize this fact, for the good of Israelis and Palestinians alike. A runaway bestseller in Israel, the first English translation of The War of Return is certain to spark lively debate throughout America and abroad.

Based on an insider's knowledge of weaponry and of actual Israeli and Egyptian battle strategies, this book examines how two of the strongest regional militaries would likely fight a high intensity war in the Middle East. The book examines how the various factors in play - the battle for air superiority, air-ground bombardment, armor, and infantry collisions - would shape the outcome of the conflict, discussing each factor separately in order to highlight its importance. The analysis draws on previous (mainly Arab-Israeli) conflicts, and also on the author's 20 years of experience in studying and doing research on Israel's national strategy and military doctrine. Fascinating new issues are looked at, such as the demilitarization of the Sinai Peninsula and both armies being largely equipped with US military hardware. How would the lack of military infrastructure in the Peninsula dictate the course of the conflict? What issues of identification and friendly fire would the similarity of equipment bring? The book also examines the variety of confrontations that Israel might face - such as high intensity, hybrid, and low intensity wars - and the corresponding responses and strategies it might choose in defense. This will be essential reading for anyone interested in modern high intensity warfare, the Arab-Israeli conflict, and the possible future of the Middle East. *** 'Eilam presents a very cogent, judicious and compelling analysis of what the future military confrontation between Israel and Egypt in Sinai could look like.' -- Hillel Frisch, Professor of Political and Middle East Studies, Bar-Ilan University [Subject: Israeli studies, Middle East Studies, Military Studies, Politics]

For seventy years Israel has existed as a state, and for forty years it has honored a peace treaty with Egypt that is widely viewed as a triumph of U.S. diplomacy in the Middle East. Yet the Palestinians - the would-be beneficiaries of a vision for a comprehensive regional settlement that led to the Camp David Accords in 1978 - remain stateless to this day. How and why Palestinian statelessness persists are the central questions of Seth Anziska's groundbreaking book, which explores the complex legacy of the agreement brokered by President Jimmy Carter. Based on newly declassified international sources, Preventing Palestine charts the emergence of the Middle East peace process, including the establishment of a separate track to deal with the issue of Palestine. At the very start of this process, Anziska argues, Egyptian-Israeli peace came at the expense of the sovereignty of the Palestinians, whose aspirations for a homeland alongside Israel faced crippling challenges. With the introduction of the idea of restrictive autonomy, Israeli settlement expansion, and Israel's 1982 invasion of Lebanon, the chances for Palestinian statehood narrowed even further. The first Intifada in 1987 and the end of the Cold War brought new opportunities for a Palestinian state, but many players, refusing to see Palestinians as a nation or a people, continued to steer international diplomacy away from their cause.