Sir Garfield Barwick wrote the story of his public life. At the age of 92, he had been at the centre of Australian legal and political life for over half a century. The story starts in the inner suburbs of Sydney walking to the renowned Fort Street High School. Sydney University in the 1920s follows and a struggling career at the Bar takes hold before all is lost in the Great Depression. Civilian service in World War II was followed by triumph in the Bank Nationalisation Case. The defeat of the Chifley Government's legislation established Sir Garfield's reputation as an advocate in Australia and in the United Kingdom. It led to a decade of unparalleled dominance of the Australian Bar when he continually appeared in the High Court and led in such public inquiries as the Petrov Royal Commission. It also established Sir Garfield in the public mind as a Liberal Party man and in 1958, at the age of 56, he entered Parliament. He served six years, almost all on the front bench as a reforming Attorney-General as Minister for External Affairs focussing on Vietnam, Cambodia and Indonesia. He resigned to become Chief Justice of the High Court in 1964 and in the next 18 years gave judgments delineating power in modern Australia: citizen and government, States and the Commonwealth, executive and legislature. Most notably, he provided crucial and controversial advice to the Governor-General in the 1975 Dismissal Crisis.

A fully revised and updated edition of Nigel Lawson's extraordinary autobiography. A key minister for a full decade and Chancellor of the Exchequer, from 1983 to 1989, Nigel Lawson was one of the most powerful and effective of Margaret Thatcher's colleagues, and among the chief architects of Thatcherism. This abridged edition of Lord Lawson's memoirs - first published as The View from No.11 in 1992 and acclaimed as one of the best political memoirs of the period - goes straight to the heart of economic policy-making at a time of crisis and creative change. It explains the workings of government with candour, clarity and depth, against the backdrop of the remarkable story of the rise and fall of his political collaboration with Margaret Thatcher, productive and successful for many years, but ending with his dramatic resignation in October 1989.The book includes a new final chapter reflecting on events from the perspective of 2010, also discussing the crisis in the banking sector and global warming.

Set to be the most controversial, hotly debated and provocative political book of 2010.

Hannah Arendt: Radical Conservative paints a broad picture of the personal traits and professional achievements in the work of an extremely complex iconographic figure in twentieth-century intellectual life. Writing about Hannah Arendt is an exercise in the biographic intersecting with the academic. It is an effort to bring together contexts of work with contents of thought. This volume was written in response to continuing interest in her work and also to the bitter and sometimes emotional attacks of her toughest critics. Horowitz emphasizes her unique contributions to political philosophy.Hannah Arendt has been described in many ways. She has been called a feminist, a dedicated worker for and writer about Jewish causes, a German advocate of its highest aspirations and assumed superiority to just about any other linguistic and national tradition, and a person whose very name is identified with anti-Nazism. Irving Louis Horowitz conveys the passion Hannah Arendt's scholarship has elicited as well as the diversity of her writings.Hannah Arendt's career is a lesson in the life of the human mind. Her reflections on our political universe are both interesting and compelling. Those who identify themselves firmly within a single tradition or culture may escape the problem of relativism, but they also suffer the problem of absolutism. This long-standing tension between traditions, cultures, and systems is what Horowitz has taken from Arendt's writings. Her sense of nuance has made her a compelling figure in twentieth-century ideas and a controversial voice well into the twenty-first century.

Over the last 30 years the post-war centre-ground which recognized the welfare state, the funding of education, protection of the environment and the management of capitalism as the proper business of the state, has fragmented. Emphasis on the freedom of the individual and the proper limitations of state power has changed the climate of everyday life. This book locates the roots of radical conservatism in the writings of Nietzsche, Dostoyevsky, Heidegger, Junger and Schmitt. It documents the radical conservative worldview and points to limitations in its perspective. Dahl asserts that we should be wary of considering radical conservatism as a singular phenomenon and discusses global divergences in belief and policy.

Digital, Political, Radical is a siren call to the field of media and communications and the study of social and political movements. We must put the politics of transformation at the very heart of our analyses to meet the global challenges of gross inequality and ever-more impoverished democracies. Fenton makes an impassioned plea for re-invigorating critical research on digital media such that it can be explanatory, practical and normative. She dares us to be politically emboldened. She urges us to seek out an emancipatory politics that aims to deepen our democratic horizons. To ask: how can we do democracy better? What are the conditions required to live together well? Then, what is the role of the media and how can we reclaim media, power and politics for progressive ends? Journeying through a range of protest and political movements, Fenton debunks myths of digital media along the way and points us in the direction of newly emergent politics of the Left. Digital, Political, Radical contributes to political debate on contemporary (re)configurations of radical progressive politics through a consideration of how we experience (counter) politics in the digital age and how this may influence our being political.

An unflinching look at the origins, philosophy, meanings, and impact of the radical form of conservatism that currently dominates American politics. Analyzing the literature (books, magazines, newspapers) and broadcast sources that define and promote conservatism, Toplin leads the reader on a provocative tour of the conservative mind as viewed by a liberal tour guide.

In the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, it seemed to many that England was being transformed by various kinds of 'improvements' in agriculture and industry, in gardening and the ornamentation of landscape. Such changes were understood to reflect matters of the greatest importance in the moral, social and political arrangements of the country. In the area of landscape design, to clear a wood, or plant one, to build a folly or a cottage, to design in the formal style or the picturesque, was to express a political orientation of one kind or another. To choose to employ Capability Brown, Humphry Repton or one of their lesser-known competitors, was to make a statement regarding the history of England, its constitutional organisation and the relationships that ought to exist between its citizens. Although many landowners may have been oblivious to this, there was a large body of critical opinion, poetry, theology and social discourse that offered to inform and correct them. In this illuminating and stimulating book, Nigel Everett reviews the entire debate, from about 1760 to 1820, emphasising in particular the attempts of various writers to defend a 'traditional' or tory view of the landscape against the aggressive, privatising tendency of improvement. Challenging the narrow implications of the existing schools of landscape historians - the 'establishment' historians, concerned primarily with currents of 'taste', who ignore the wider issues involved, and the commentators on the Left who have tended to see landscape politics as the politics of class - Everett reveals the history of English landscape as a political struggle between, on the one hand, the mechanical, universal and impersonal - whig - point of view and, on the other, the natural, Christian, particular and organic point of view. Everett depicts a lively, intelligent debate regarding the development of English society, as active among cultivated clergymen and landowners as among the theoreticians. Furthermore, analysing the languages of tory political thought, Everett engages in a dialogue between the present and the past, identifying in the detached, artificial and utilitarian attitudes of the whig 'improvers' the philosophical and historical origins of a dominant set of values of the late twentieth century - most recently expressed in the Conservative Party - in which the interests of private enterprise and commercial utility preponderate over any other conception of the public good. This important and passionate book makes an essential and original contribution to the study of eighteenth-century cultural history in Britain.

In 1978, spurred on by his own curiosity and personal frustrations with the state of Canadian politics, journalist Charles Taylor began to trace the history and development of the Conservative Party in Canada. Taylor turned to philosophers, writers, politicians, and thinkers such as George Grant, Donald Creighton, Robert Stanfield, and Al Purdy to chart the course of the party from its early nationalist "Red Tory" roots to the more conservative, corporatist "Blue Tory" tradition that Taylor witnessed with Joe Clark, and has continued with Brian Mulroney and now, Stephen Harper. Infused with wry humour and a literary tone that eschews academic dryness, Charles Taylor's Radical Tories has rightly stood the test of time: the Literary Review of Canada recently included it in a list of the 100 most important Canadian books of all time. This edition includes a new afterword by Rudyard Griffiths.