The resurgence of Palestinian nationalism in the wake of the 1967 Arab-Israeli war tended to overshadow the fact that Palestinian national consciousness is not a new phenomenon, but traces its origins back to the time when the first stirrings of nationalism were being felt in many parts of the under-developed world. This work, first published in 1974, is based on both Arabic and Hebrew primary sources as well as English and French official and unofficial documents, and was the first detailed study of the infancy period of Palestinian nationalism. The book begins by establishing the position of Palestine and Jerusalem in Islamic history and their significance within the concepts of Islam, and outlines the social and political features of the Palestinian population at the beginning of the First World War. The author then charts in detail the development of Palestinian nationalism over the decade after the War. Two major forces influenced this development and reacted with it: Zionism, with its ambitious schemes for settling Jews in Palestine and creating a National Home for them there, and Arab nationalism on a wider scale, which was emerging spontaneously with the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire and the spreading of ideas of self-determination. The growing threat posed by Zionism awoke the Palestinian population to the need for organization and the establishment of their own identity to oppose it, while the focus of their national aspirations widened or narrowed according to the ability which they felt at any given time to confront Zionism and achieve self-expression within a Palestinian rather than an all-Syrian national framework. The events of these turbulent years – the confrontations with the British, delegations, boycotts, proposals and rejections, the emergence of al-Hajj Amin al-Husayni, the Wailing Wall conflict and its repercussions – are all described within the context of these wider considerations, which also include Britain’s own role as holder of the Mandate over Palestine.

Mustafa Kabha plumbs the complex story of the Palestinian people, from the revolts of 1936-1939 to the present, focusing on their efforts to establish a viable independent state¿and the internal factors that have thwarted them. With unparalleled access to primary sources, as well as secondary material in Arabic, Hebrew, and English, Kabha provides an abundance of new information in a sweeping historical context.Uniquely combining his overarching narrative with the narratives of the multiple Palestinian communities throughout the Middle East, he makes is a groundbreaking contribution to our understanding of the political, social, and cultural dimensions of Palestinian history.

The religion and state debate in Israel has overlooked the Palestinian-Arab religious communities and their members, focusing almost exclusively on Jewish religious institutions and norms and Jewish majority members. Because religion and state debates in many other countries are defined largely by minority religions' issues, the debate in Israel is anomalous. Michael Karayanni advances a legal matrix that explains this anomaly by referencing specific constitutional values. At the same time, he also takes a critical look at these values and presents the argument that what might be seen as liberal and multicultural is at its core just as illiberal and coercive. In making this argument, A Multicultural Entrapment suggests a set of multicultural qualifications by which one should judge whether a group based accommodation is of a multicultural nature.

Intro -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Introduction -- Genesis of a Project -- The Power of a Cultural Paradigm for British Mandate Palestine and Christian Communities -- Precedents -- Looking at Cultural Diplomacy in a Proto-National Setting: Towards an Integrative Approach -- Overview of the Book -- Speaking to the Silences? -- Bibliography -- Turning the Tables? Arab Appropriation and Production of Cultural Diplomacy -- Introduction Part I Indigenising Cultural Diplomacy? -- Bibliography -- Orthodox Clubs and Associations: Cultural, Educational and Religious Networks Between Palestine and Transjordan, 1925-1950 -- Orthodox Laity in the Emirate of Transjordan: Developing Diplomatic Ties in a Political Sphere in Reconfiguration -- Orthodox Laity During the Interwar Period: Regional Networks and Circulations -- Claims for Cultural and Educational Facilities in the New Capital -- Orthodox Laity and the Mandate Representative: Creating Political Ties -- The Orthodox Notables in Transjordan and the Development of the Arab Orthodox Nahda Association -- The Foundation of the Arab Orthodox Nahda Association: A Palestinian Connection? -- The Arab Orthodox Nahda Association: Creating a Communal Urban Presence -- Migration and Regional Circulation: Expanding the Arab Orthodox Imprint in Amman -- The 1940s and the Change of Diplomatic Paradigm -- From Sunday School to the Educational Association -- Sporting and Cultural Associations: Family Networks and Know-How -- Conclusion -- Bibliography -- The Making Stage of the Modern Palestinian Arabic Novel in the Experiences of the udabāʾ Khalīl Baydas (1874-1949) and Iskandar al-Khūri al-BeitJāli (1890-1973) -- A Cultural Life Before Its Destruction -- Literature, Nahda and Russian Schools in Palestine.

The first book to present an analysis of Arab response to fascism and Nazism from the perspectives of both individual countries and the Arab world at large, this collection problematizes and ultimately deconstructs the established narratives that assume most Arabs supported fascism and Nazism leading up to and during World War II. Using new source materials taken largely from Arab memoirs, archives, and print media, the articles reexamine Egyptian, Syrian, Lebanese, Palestinian, and Iraqi responses in the 1930s and throughout the war. While acknowledging the individuals, forces, and organizations that did support and collaborate with Nazi Germany and fascist Italy, Arab Responses to Fascism and Nazism focuses on the many other Arab voices that identified with Britain and France and with the Allied cause during the war. The authors argue that many groups within Arab societies—elites and non-elites, governing forces, and civilians—rejected Nazism and fascism as totalitarian, racist, and, most important, as new, more oppressive forms of European imperialism. The essays in this volume argue that, in contrast to prevailing beliefs that Arabs were de facto supporters of Italy and Germany—since “the enemy of my enemy is my friend”—mainstream Arab forces and currents opposed the Axis powers and supported the Allies during the war. They played a significant role in the battles for control over the Middle East.

Focused on the connections between archaeology and Israeli society, this book examines the development of Israeli archaeological research, taking historical, sociological, and political contexts into account. Adopting a Foucauldian framework of power and knowledge, the author begins by focusing on archaeological knowledge as a hegemonic discipline, buttressing the national Zionist identity after the establishment of the State of Israel. The liberalization of political culture in the late 1970s, it is argued, opened the door for a more democratized archaeological discipline. Making use of in-depth interviews with archaeologists belonging to various groups in Israeli society as well as documents from the Israel State Archives (ISA), the book touches on multiple fields of research, including Near Eastern archaeology, religious Jewish society, Israel/Palestine relations, and the status of women in Israel. Moreover, although the book deals with the sociology of Israeli archaeology specifically, the author’s comparative approach—which highlights the mirroring of social processes and the archaeological discipline—can also be applied to other societies. The book will be of interest to researchers and students in the fields of archaeology, sociology, and Israel Studies, as well as to readers with a general interest in the archaeology of the Holy Land.

In this collection, Arab and Arab American feminists enlist their intimate experiences to challenge simplistic and long-held assumptions about gender, sexuality, and commitments to feminism and justice-centered struggles among Arab communities. Contributors hail from multiple geographical sites, spiritualities, occupations, sexualities, class backgrounds, and generations. Poets, creative writers, artists, scholars, and activists employ a mix of genres to express feminist issues and highlight how Arab and Arab American feminist perspectives simultaneously inhabit multiple, overlapping, and intersecting spaces: within families and communities; in anticolonial and antiracist struggles; in debates over spirituality and the divine; within radical, feminist, and queer spaces; in academia and on the street; and among each other. Contributors explore themes as diverse as the intersections between gender, sexuality, Orientalism, racism, Islamophobia, and Zionism, and the restoration of Arab Jews to Arab American histories. This book asks how members of diasporic communities navigate their sense of belonging when the country in which they live wages wars in the lands of their ancestors. Arab and Arab American Feminisms opens up new possibilities for placing grounded Arab and Arab American feminist perspectives at the center of gender studies, Middle East studies, American studies, and ethnic studies.

Explores the transmission - and perpetuation - of conflict narratives in Israeli-Jewish and Palestinian society since the signing of the Oslo Accords.

The Palestinian people are today treated as strangers in their own country and as refugees in Arab States. Despite their rule by outsiders- Ottoman Turks and, from 1917, the British - Palestinian Arabs had always remained the majority population within Palestine. From the late 19th century increasing numbers of Zionist settlers came, driven by savage pogroms in Eastern Europe and later by the Nazi Holocaust. Despite fervent and increasingly desperate protests by Arabs, Palestine was partitioned by the UN in 1947 and much of the area the Arabs retained was subsequently lost to the new Israeli State in the wars of 1948/9 and 1967. Today over 2 million Palestinians live under Israeli administration both within Israel itself and in the Occupied Territories of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, while another 2.8 million live beyond the borders of Palestine, unable to return. Not only have many Palestinians been deprived of their homes and properties, but they have been denied democratic rights and the hope of governing their own country. Lacking the right to determine their own future, they have sometimes struck back in frustration and despair. Tile Palestinians. the new Minority Rights Group report 24, not only outlines the history of the Palestinian people, but their present situation, inside and outside Israel. It gives a detailed account of Palestinian disadvantage under Israeli administration in the fields of law, local government, civic amenities, housing, education, health, employment, industry, agriculture, land ownership and settlement and water allocation, and increasing suppression of dissent. Newly written by David McDowall, with a Foreword by Dr Claire Palley, this report also contains maps, statistics and an appendix outlining the main political groups within the Palestinian movement today. A detailed and accurate account of the Palestinian people at a time when their sense of powerlessness has increased and when their position is especially precarious, this report is essential reading for all those who feel concern for the future of the Palestinians, Israel, the Middle East, and world peace. Please note that the terminology in the fields of minority rights and indigenous peoples’ rights has changed over time. MRG strives to reflect these changes as well as respect the right to self-identification on the part of minorities and indigenous peoples. At the same time, after over 50 years’ work, we know that our archive is of considerable interest to activists and researchers. Therefore, we make available as much of our back catalogue as possible, while being aware that the language used may not reflect current thinking on these issues.

This edited collection offers a comprehensive analysis of the most significant factors to have contributed to the current relations between Israel's Jewish and Arab citizens.