Includes 204 photos, plans and maps illustrating The Holocaust “Fourteen officers of the SS (Elite Guard) were sentenced today to hang for at least a million killings. The sentences wound up the biggest murder trial in history. The men were leaders of the “Einsatz Kommandos”...special extermination squads sent...to do away with peoples classified by the Nazis as racially undesirable.”—NUREMBERG, APRIL 10 (1948)—(ASSOCIATED PRESS) After the first Nuremberg trials of the remaining Nazi leaders in 1945-6, the Allies spent much time and effort in searching out the men responsible for the Holocaust, the full scale of which was only then becoming apparent. In the most important case of his career, Judge Michael A. Musmanno (Captain USN), presided over the trial of the leaders of the Einsatz Kommandos, death squads trained to hunt and kill “Untermenschen” or those deemed undesirable by Hitler. Blazing a bloody trail across the conquered areas of Poland, the Ukraine, White Russia and the Baltic states, the Einsatzgruppen shot innocent men, women and children by the tens of thousands. Finding that shooting was an inefficient way to complete their horrendous executions, the Einsatz Kommando leaders pioneered the use of mobile poison gas trucks which would lead to the evolution of the death camps at Auschwitz-Birkenau, Treblinka, Belzec and Sobibor and the industrialised murder of the Holocaust. In this riveting and horrifying book the author looks back on a trial that serves as a testament to the depths of man’s inhumanity; at times almost surreal in its horror it is a story that should be read and re-read.

On April 15, 1920, Parmenter, a paymaster, and Berardelli, his guard, were fired upon and killed. Sacco and Vanzetti were charged on May 5, 1920, with the crime of the murders, were indicted on September 14, 1920, and put to trial May 31, 1921, at Dedham, Norfolk County, Massachusetts. compare pages [3]-8.

While bookstore shelves around the world have never ceased to display best-selling "life-and-letters" biographies in prominent positions, the genre became less popular among academic historians during the Cold War decades. Their main concern then was with political and socioeconomic structures, institutions, and organizations, or-more recently-with the daily lives of ordinary people and small communities. The contributors to this volume-all well known senior historians-offer self-critical reflections on problems they encountered when writing biographies themselves. Some of them also deal with topics specific to Central Europe, such as the challenges of writing about the lives of both victims and perpetrators. Although the volume concentrates on European historiography, its strong methodological and conceptual focus will be of great interest to non-European historians wrestling with the old "structure-versus-agency" question in their own work. Contributors: Volker R. Berghahn, Hartmut Berghoff, Hilary Earl, Jan Eckel, Willem Frijhoff, Ian Kershaw, Simone Lässig, Karl Heinrich Pohl, John C. G. Röhl, Angelika Schaser, Joachim Radkau, Cornelia Rauh-Kühne, Mark Roseman, Christoph Strupp and Michael Wildt.

The lawyer's trade--from its noblest moments to its greatest blunders--is examined with rigor, insight, and wit by one of America's foremost commentators on the law, New York Times columnist David Margolick.

The controversial journalistic analysis of the mentality that fostered the Holocaust, from the author of The Origins of Totalitarianism Sparking a flurry of heated debate, Hannah Arendt’s authoritative and stunning report on the trial of German Nazi leader Adolf Eichmann first appeared as a series of articles in The New Yorker in 1963. This revised edition includes material that came to light after the trial, as well as Arendt’s postscript directly addressing the controversy that arose over her account. A major journalistic triumph by an intellectual of singular influence, Eichmann in Jerusalem is as shocking as it is informative—an unflinching look at one of the most unsettling (and unsettled) issues of the twentieth century.

For decades the history of the US Military Tribunals at Nuremberg (NMT) has been eclipsed by the first Nuremberg trial—the International Military Tribunal or IMT. The dominant interpretation—neatly summarized in the ubiquitous formula of “Subsequent Trials”—ignores the unique historical and legal character of the NMT trials, which differed significantly from that of their predecessor. The NMT trials marked a decisive shift both in terms of analysis of the Third Reich and conceptualization of international criminal law. This volume is the first comprehensive examination of the NMT and brings together diverse perspectives from the fields of law, history, and political science, exploring the genesis, impact, and legacy of the twelve Military Tribunals held at Nuremberg between 1946 and 1949.

In 1912, a group of ambitious young men, including future Supreme Court justice Felix Frankfurter and future journalistic giant Walter Lippmann, became disillusioned by the sluggish progress of change in the Taft Administration. The individuals started to band together informally, joined initially by their enthusiasm for Theodore Roosevelt's Bull Moose campaign. They self-mockingly called the 19th Street row house in which they congregated the "House of Truth," playing off the lively dinner discussions with frequent guest (and neighbor) Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr. about life's verities. Lippmann and Frankfurter were house-mates, and their frequent guests included not merely Holmes but Louis Brandeis, Herbert Hoover, Herbert Croly - founder of the New Republic - and the sculptor (and sometime Klansman) Gutzon Borglum, later the creator of the Mount Rushmore monument. Weaving together the stories and trajectories of these varied, fascinating, combative, and sometimes contradictory figures, Brad Snyder shows how their thinking about government and policy shifted from a firm belief in progressivism - the belief that the government should protect its workers and regulate monopolies - into what we call liberalism - the belief that government can improve citizens' lives without abridging their civil liberties and, eventually, civil rights. Holmes replaced Roosevelt in their affections and aspirations. His famous dissents from 1919 onward showed how the Due Process clause could protect not just business but equality under the law, revealing how a generally conservative and reactionary Supreme Court might embrace, even initiate, political and social reform. Across the years, from 1912 until the start of the New Deal in 1933, the remarkable group of individuals associated with the House of Truth debated the future of America. They fought over Sacco and Vanzetti's innocence; the dangers of Communism; the role the United States should play the world after World War One; and thought dynamically about things like about minimum wage, child-welfare laws, banking insurance, and Social Security, notions they not only envisioned but worked to enact. American liberalism has no single source, but one was without question a row house in Dupont Circle and the lives that intertwined there at a crucial moment in the country's history.

Miller’s groundbreaking first novel, banned in Britain for almost thirty years.

With the rise to power of the fifth generation in 2012, Xi Jinping became the undisputed leader of China. For the first time, the descendant of a Communist hero, a “red princeling,” has reached the highest rungs of power in the Middle Kingdom. His personality a study in contrasts, Xi is the archetypal “son of” the lost generation. A chaotic path has led him from the sweetness of Zhongnanhai, the seat of Chinese political power, to the horrors of the Cultural Revolution. He experienced both honors and disgraces in his succession to the head of the Party. Xi’s return to Zhongnanhai raises many questions. Will he be an “ephemeral” president? Will he give priority to Reform, turn toward a Western form of government or fall in line with the approach of his elders? As he begins his first term, Xi Jinping knows that many challenges lie ahead, with the absolute imperative to keep China “as stable as Mount Taishan.”