Kentucky has long punched above its weight in the US Senate, as some of the nation's most distinguished senators have hailed from the Commonwealth. Despite its relatively small population for much of American history, Kentucky has produced a record two Senate majority leaders, a record three Senate majority whips, and one of the country's greatest lawmakers, Henry Clay. These Kentuckians played an important role in the evolution of leadership institutions in the Senate. Official positions such as Senate majority leader and majority whip are nowhere to be found in the Constitution or early American history, yet today these offices have essentially eclipsed the constitutionally created legislative leadership positions of vice president and president pro tempore. While Kentucky senators have played a vital role in leading the Senate and in its institutional history, no book has told the story in its entirety. The US Senate and the Commonwealth is the first book of its kind to provide a detailed, yet accessible, discussion of the US Senate's leadership throughout its 225-year history. Senator Mitch McConnell and Roy E. Brownell II weave together the history of the Senate with lively portraits of prominent Kentucky senators as well as firsthand reflections about legislative leadership by a Senate majority leader. The authors illuminate and humanize this discussion by exploring the colorful and vivid lives of fifteen Kentucky lawmakers, including Henry Clay, Alben Barkley, and John Sherman Cooper. This compelling and fascinating study is an essential resource.

Community is an evolving and complex concept that historians have applied to localities, counties, and the South as a whole in order to ground larger issues in the day-to-day lives of all segments of society. These social networks sometimes unite and sometimes divide people, they can mirror or transcend political boundaries, and they may exist solely within the cultures of like-minded people. This volume explores the nature of southern communities during the long nineteenth century. The contributors build on the work of scholars who have allowed us to see community not simply as a place but instead as an idea in a constant state of definition and redefinition. They reaffirm that there never has been a singular southern community. As editors Steven E. Nash and Bruce E. Stewart reveal, southerners have constructed an array of communities across the region and beyond. Nor do the contributors idealize these communities. Far from being places of cooperation and harmony, southern communities were often rife with competition and discord. Indeed, conflict has constituted a vital part of southern communal development. Taken together, the essays in this volume remind us how community-focused studies can bring us closer to answering those questions posed to Quentin Compson in Absalom, Absalom!: "Tell [us] about the South. What's it like there. What do they do there. Why do they live there. Why do they live at all."

Forty years in the making, this book constitutes an unveiling of hitherto unrecognized archival records pertaining to the founding of Washington and Lee University. These startling records created by men of the highest reputations and character disclose long-held secrets both shocking and at the same time assuaging. In the process, the true character of the universitys founding first president is illuminated as is his astounding significance to the history of the Great Valley of Virginia and to all the nations lovers of liberty. Within a vast array of pearls of wisdom are disclosed serving to quash long-held but mistaken notions and several myths exposed as utterly false narratives concerning when the institution was founded and by whom. The institutions current mistake on this subject is only wrong by twenty-five years. Some of those who are today heralded as founders turn out had nothing whatever to do with establishing Washington and Lee. Within these pages lies the unmistakable evidence of who was responsible and when the historical miscalculations were committed. Empty assertions too numerous to mention here are discredited as are many of their perpetrators. Some of those named were merely credulous and or too disinterested to scrutinize unauthenticated assertions of the past. Others, more agenda driven, failed to rise above their predispositions and selective perceptions, all failing to exercise due diligence in preserving the heritage and legacies of their forebears. The vast majority of the conclusions presented here for the first time since 1850 are virtually incontrovertible, at least by critics employing empirical standards nearly universally accepted since the dawn of the enlightenment. Footnotes are liberally employed to emphasize facts and uncover truths, as well as giving citations of authority. A bibliography is also attached, as are several important appendices. In a few select cases, those with the intent to deceive or cover up are specifically exposed. In the case of one particular false narrative, its exponent is held up to just ridicule for knowingly publishing a malicious and unjust traducement of a noble paragon of virtue, Rev. William Graham. In all, Washington and Lee University and its founding first president, William Graham, are shown in an entirely new light. The university is compellingly demonstrated to deserve to be considered the most progressive American institution of higher learning of the eighteenth century. As the new nation gave to the world an unprecedented democratic vision of freedom, this book reveals Washington and Lee University in its infancy (Liberty Hall Academy), introducing a vision of higher education for men and women of all races. This chartered degree-granting institution was then the only such institution with its doors open to all. Then the only campus in America where one might observe a black or female regular undergraduate student was at Lexington, Virginiaa sight never yet seen at Harvard, Yale, or even Princeton in the eighteenth century. This noble idea unfortunately died when the universitys founder, William Graham, died. His vision in this regard is but a part of his heretofore mostly unknown legacy. Although unheralded, he was, nevertheless, unquestionably the only educator in America who dared to prove that a black man, if given the opportunity, can succeed in securing a college education. A powerful lesson that once learned remained a powerful and enduring truth.

Religion and Political Culture in Jefferson's Virginia examines the influential statesmen and the political struggles in revolutionary Virginia that played a decisive role in developing a distinctive American approach to religious liberty and church-state relations. This collection of innovative essays by leading scholars profiles the Christian communities in Virginia, analyzes the religious philosophical influences of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, and discusses the Virginian contributions to the American experiment in religious liberty. Religion and Political Culture in Jefferson's Virginia presents a fresh perspective on religion's role in Virginian and American political culture and provides a critical reassessment of the existing scholarship in the field.

This is volume fifteen of the Encyclopedia of Telecommunications, which covers Radio Astronomy to Submarine Cable Systems in alphabetical listing and information on the contributors

This second volume of Robert A. Hill's monumental ten-volume survey of Marcus Mosiah Garvey's extraordinary mass movement of black social protest covers a period of rapid growth. The Universal Negro Improvement Association, with its "Africa for the Africans" program of racial nationalism, rapidly gained in strength in the aftermath of Garvey's successful meeting in Carnegie Hall in August 1919, and culminated in its spectacular First International Convention of the Negro Peoples of the World in 1920. Hill has compiled a wealth of archival documents and original manuscripts, with descriptive source notes and explanatory footnotes. He provides a fascinating account of the spread of Garvey's movement, which was seen-and feared-by officials in America, Europe, and colonial governments in Africa and the Caribbean as the major ideological force promoting radical consciousness among blacks. Hill continues the comprehensive outline begun in Volume I of Garvey's Black Star Line, the all-black merchant marine, and documents the beginnings of Garvey's proposals for massive loans to the Liberian government. These controversial financial schemes led to Garvey's reputation as a swindler, and Volume II details the first charges of fraud. The federal investigation of Garvey broadened and deepened during 1919--1920, with J. Edgar Hoover--then an assistant to the attorney general--continuing to search tor grounds to deport Garvey. Included here are numerous repons from government agents and informers, which provide a valuable ponrait of day-to-day UNIA operations. Volume II ends with the UNIA's 1920 convention, presented by Garvey as a turning point in the history of black-white relations. The legislation and the elective offices produced by that convention were intended to form a virtual government in exile for Africa, fulfilling Garvey's ambition to practice statecraft and create the symbols of black nationhood and sovereignty. This volume is the second of six that focus on America; the seventh and eighth focus on Africa, and the last two on the Caribbean. Hill has brought together far more than a portrait of a single intriguing historical figure. Garvey's movement was a mass social phenomenon, an Afro-American protest movement with strong links to African and Caribbean nationalism in the first decades of the twentieth century.

Your guide to the spookiest spots in Dixie

Here is history in the grand manner, a powerful narrative peopled with dozens of memorable portraits, telling this important story with skill and relish. Freehling highlights all the key moments on the road to war, including the violence in Bleeding Kansas, Preston Brooks's beating of Charles Sumner in the Senate chambers, the Dred Scott Decision, John Brown's raid on Harper's Ferry, and much more. As Freehling shows, the election of Abraham Lincoln sparked a political crisis, but at first most Southerners took a cautious approach, willing to wait and see what Lincoln would do--especially, whether he would take any antagonistic measures against the South. But at this moment, the extreme fringe in the South took charge, first in South Carolina and Mississippi, but then throughout the lower South, sounding the drum roll for secession. Indeed, The Road to Disunion is the first book to fully document how this decided minority of Southern hotspurs took hold of the secessionist issue and, aided by a series of fortuitous events, drove the South out of the Union. Freehling provides compelling profiles of the leaders of this movement--many of them members of the South Carolina elite. Throughout the narrative, he evokes a world of fascinating characters and places as he captures the drama of one of America's most important--and least understood--stories. The long-awaited sequel to the award-winning Secessionists at Bay, which was hailed as "the most important history of the Old South ever published," this volume concludes a major contribution to our understanding of the Civil War. A compelling, vivid portrait of the final years of the antebellum South, The Road to Disunion will stand as an important history of its subject. "This sure-to-be-lasting work--studded with pen portraits and consistently astute in its appraisal of the subtle cultural and geographic variations in the region--adds crucial layers to scholarship on the origins of America's bloodiest conflict." --The Atlantic Monthly "Splendid, painstaking account...and so a work of history reaches into the past to illuminate the present. It is light we need, and we owe Freehling a debt for shedding it." --Washington Post "A masterful, dramatic, breathtakingly detailed narrative." --The Baltimore Sun